Compared with other adjacent countries in Slovakia there is still a relatively small number of foreigners. According to the latest survey of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Migration trends and situation in the area of migration in the Slovak Republic the share of foreigners to the total population is only one percent (approximately 52 000 foreigners). Is spite of it the number of foreigners coming to Slovakia is growing. Urban space attracts migrants with its variety of work oppurtunities and possibilities of earnings.
Vietnamese are one of the more numerous and relatively new immigrant groups in Slovakia. They started to arrive at Slovakia in the 1970s and their number is constantly growing as they have already formed a relatively stabile „migration bridge“ between Slovakia and Vietnam. Vietnamese traders and Vietnamese restaurants have become a part of the urban space of Slovak towns and cities. Although Vietnamese community seems isolated their entrepreneurial activities are oriented to the constant interaction with majority population. Since in Slovakia there is no form of support for individual immigrant groups which must then mainly rely upon their own social networks and assistance sources in acquisition of information. That is one of the reasons why Vietnamese in Bratislava mainly concentrate at the lodging house on the Nobelova street in Nové mesto, open-air markets (Miletičova) and in Vajnory.
During seminar I would like to pay specific attention to the integration strategies of Vietnamese migrants in Bratislava. Each of migrants’ communities has elected a sligtly different strategy for adapting to the urban enviroment. The particular strategies that have been chosen range from that of the labour-migration to multicultural and incorporative strategies. I would like to answer the question what strategies do they elect and how do they interact with majority population. Using qualitative in-depth interviews and method of participant observation I will investigate their everyday life and interactions at their work in restaurants and markets in Bratislava.
Apr 26, 2010
Alexandra Ďurčová, Migrant workers as source of new ethnic stereotypes - The case of Slovak caregivers in Austria
The general research topic is a social categorisation process and conditions that determine stereotyping of essencialised and non-essencialised social groups. With the basic premise about ethnicity not being an inner quality but a socialy constructed category, the project focuses on the impacts of growing migration and a new multicultural face of european cities on conceptualisation of ethnic groups within the interactive urban environment. The transfornmation of the ethnic structure of the city and new ways of coexistence result in transformations in perceiving the others and thus creating new kinds stereotyping patterns. The aim of this project is to investigate the principles of categorization and stereotyping in case of Slovak caregivers in Vienna.
In the last decade, the position of a caregiver in Austrian households has gone through signifficant changes. In contrast to common status of migrant workers who are often perceived in a negative way by the citizens due to their “foreignness”, there is a growing demand for caregivers resulting from the current population trends in Austria. While at the beginning of 2000’s “pendling”(work practice including regular moving from Slovakia to Austria in one-week or two-week periods) was a “not so visible” working practice common especially in western parts of Slovakia near Austrian border, it is now a whole country phenomena. It became a distinct profession organized by specialized agencies. Two years ago, it was officially recognized work position by the Austrian government and it is now being incorporated into the social system of the both countries.
What are the categorization principles in this specific reciprocal relation and how are they interconnected with other dimensions of increased migration and change of ethnic structure of the city of Vienna? Interviewing the Slovak caregivers in Austrian families in Bratislava and Vienna, we will try to find some answers to the stated question.
In the last decade, the position of a caregiver in Austrian households has gone through signifficant changes. In contrast to common status of migrant workers who are often perceived in a negative way by the citizens due to their “foreignness”, there is a growing demand for caregivers resulting from the current population trends in Austria. While at the beginning of 2000’s “pendling”(work practice including regular moving from Slovakia to Austria in one-week or two-week periods) was a “not so visible” working practice common especially in western parts of Slovakia near Austrian border, it is now a whole country phenomena. It became a distinct profession organized by specialized agencies. Two years ago, it was officially recognized work position by the Austrian government and it is now being incorporated into the social system of the both countries.
What are the categorization principles in this specific reciprocal relation and how are they interconnected with other dimensions of increased migration and change of ethnic structure of the city of Vienna? Interviewing the Slovak caregivers in Austrian families in Bratislava and Vienna, we will try to find some answers to the stated question.
Apr 23, 2010
Felix Jeschke - Tourism in Bratislava
In my experience, Bratislava does not have a good reputation among the Central European city tourists. Used to the Baroque splendour, old-world charm or exciting cosmopolitanism of cities such as Vienna, Prague, Kraków or Budapest, most must be disappointed by Bratislava’s tiny – if pretty – centre, and such disfiguring elements as a four-lane motorway running right through it and onto the main bridge over the Danube (appropriately unimaginatively, one might say, named Nový Most). For many international tourists who “do” both Vienna and Bratislava, the cities must seem like two unlikely siblings, despite their long and close cultural, economic and infrastructural links. In the popular consciousness of many, Vienna arguably represents the multicultural history of the Habsburg Empire, colourful and somewhat morbid; Bratislava is often represented as a relict of socialism, interesting only because of the greyness symbolized by the view of Petržalka from the top of the “UFO tower.”
Based on some work I have been doing on the the notion of the German tourist in Prague, I will research the tourist discourses in Bratislava. Twenty years after the ‘Changes,’ it has become a significant tourist attraction. In a 2007 rankings, Bratislava was the 150th most popular city destination in the world with 500,000 visitors, ahead of famous architectural pearls such as Oxford and Dubrovnik.1 My previous experience of travelling to Bratislava suggests that the official tourism bodies are following the general trend to portray state socialism as a historical aberration, and hark back to the Habsburg and inter-war periods in the tourist presentation of their city (that the little sightseeing train was named Prešporáčik is a case in point). This touristic presentation thus clashes with the image of ‘grey socialist Bratislava’ outlined above. It also includes an effort to touristically align Bratislava with Vienna in order to make it into the “Little Big City” its official motto proclaims – the little Habsburg brother of Vienna. For my piece, I will further investigate tourist publications to see whether my impression can be substantiated. Most of my research will be taken up by interviewing tourists in the streets of the Old Town, in order to see what their motivations were to come (including whether it is a free-standing trip or if are they visiting the city as part of a bigger tour), what places they have been visiting, what their general impression of the city is and if it has been changed by the visit.
I hope that this research might tell us more about the image of Bratislava perpetuated at home and abroad. In the study of ‘ethnicity,’ it is often forgotten that tourists form by far the largest contingent of non-Slovaks in Bratislava, and also the most visible one. Personally, I disagree with both notions of Bratislava mentioned here: neither the disparaging foregrounding of its socialist architecture nor a false evocation of pre-war history does this fascinating city any justice. It could be said that in urban discourses, the discourse of tourism forms a mainstream; however, this mainstream can only be criticized if one studies it.
Based on some work I have been doing on the the notion of the German tourist in Prague, I will research the tourist discourses in Bratislava. Twenty years after the ‘Changes,’ it has become a significant tourist attraction. In a 2007 rankings, Bratislava was the 150th most popular city destination in the world with 500,000 visitors, ahead of famous architectural pearls such as Oxford and Dubrovnik.1 My previous experience of travelling to Bratislava suggests that the official tourism bodies are following the general trend to portray state socialism as a historical aberration, and hark back to the Habsburg and inter-war periods in the tourist presentation of their city (that the little sightseeing train was named Prešporáčik is a case in point). This touristic presentation thus clashes with the image of ‘grey socialist Bratislava’ outlined above. It also includes an effort to touristically align Bratislava with Vienna in order to make it into the “Little Big City” its official motto proclaims – the little Habsburg brother of Vienna. For my piece, I will further investigate tourist publications to see whether my impression can be substantiated. Most of my research will be taken up by interviewing tourists in the streets of the Old Town, in order to see what their motivations were to come (including whether it is a free-standing trip or if are they visiting the city as part of a bigger tour), what places they have been visiting, what their general impression of the city is and if it has been changed by the visit.
I hope that this research might tell us more about the image of Bratislava perpetuated at home and abroad. In the study of ‘ethnicity,’ it is often forgotten that tourists form by far the largest contingent of non-Slovaks in Bratislava, and also the most visible one. Personally, I disagree with both notions of Bratislava mentioned here: neither the disparaging foregrounding of its socialist architecture nor a false evocation of pre-war history does this fascinating city any justice. It could be said that in urban discourses, the discourse of tourism forms a mainstream; however, this mainstream can only be criticized if one studies it.
Apr 22, 2010
Milena Migut - “Shadow of my former neighbor” – research on awareness of citizens of former Jewish districts of Bratislava and Vienna
While being in Bratislava and Vienna I am planning to contact people living in the former Jewish districts, to ask if they know about the Jewish heritage there and check, how the new citizens are influencing the post-Jewish parts of the city. Both Vienna and Bratislava had big and influential Jewish communities – Jews were highly integrated citizens, influencing city development and culture. Vienna’s Jewish population numbered more than 185,000 before 1938. Nowadays there are around 7000 Jews living in Vienna, most of them are Jewish refugees from the post Soviet countries. In 1930 the Jewish population in Bratislava numbered 14,882. Nowadays it doesn’t reach 1000.
In my research I’d like to ask people who live in the former Jewish neighborhoods (many of them have Arabic background), what they know about the history of the district and if there are any social/cultural actions focused on commemorating the former citizens (and not organized by the Jewish Community, but by the people living in post-Jewish houses). Some of the questions I’m going to ask are:
Why and when did you move into this district / house?
Do you know how old the house / district is?
Do you know, who was living here before you? Before the war?
Do you know your neighbors? Who are they? What nationality are they?
Do you know any places of Jewish heritage in your surrounding?
I would also like to check, how the external appearance of the former Jewish quarters is changed by the non-Jewish citizens nowadays. Besides writing an article I am planning to make a photo-reportage, consisting on pictures showing the former Jewish quarter.
If the people, who I will be asking, will allow for that, I would like to record their answers to make kind of multimedia report (with podcast and pictures) on the issue of consciousness of Jewish heritage in Bratislava and Vienna.
In my research I’d like to ask people who live in the former Jewish neighborhoods (many of them have Arabic background), what they know about the history of the district and if there are any social/cultural actions focused on commemorating the former citizens (and not organized by the Jewish Community, but by the people living in post-Jewish houses). Some of the questions I’m going to ask are:
Why and when did you move into this district / house?
Do you know how old the house / district is?
Do you know, who was living here before you? Before the war?
Do you know your neighbors? Who are they? What nationality are they?
Do you know any places of Jewish heritage in your surrounding?
I would also like to check, how the external appearance of the former Jewish quarters is changed by the non-Jewish citizens nowadays. Besides writing an article I am planning to make a photo-reportage, consisting on pictures showing the former Jewish quarter.
If the people, who I will be asking, will allow for that, I would like to record their answers to make kind of multimedia report (with podcast and pictures) on the issue of consciousness of Jewish heritage in Bratislava and Vienna.
Zuzana Nováková, Béla Soltész, The Dynamics of Ethnic Restructuration: "Ethnic" Spaces in Bratislava
Due to its strategic location on the crossroads of river and land routes, Bratislava has always been a meeting point of different cultures throughout history. Besides its Slovak heritage, it also keeps traces of German, Hungarian and Jewish cultural influence. After the fall of the Iron Curtain and Slovakia's independence the city underwent an economic restructuring process, industrial neighborhoods were torn down, new housing blocks were built, and newcomers of various European and Asian countries found a new home in Bratislava. Old and new minorities live together now with the city's majority Slovak population, constituting a colourful cultural mosaic. Our research would be focusing on the transformation of "ethnic" spaces that traditionally belonged to German, Hungarian or Jewish minorities to "non-ethnic" - that's to say, majority Slovak - spaces on one hand, and "non-ethnic" to "ethnic" - Chinese, Ukrainian, Western Expatriate - spaces on the other; focusing on retail shops, grocery stores, bars and restaurants. The aim of the research is to identify the common traits and the differences between these two contrary processes in Bratislava's history.
Our theoretical framework builds on Edna Bonacich’s concept of „middleman minorities” (see Bonacich: A Theory of Middleman Minorities, ASR, 1973) and on David Harvey’s notion of privatization as accumulation by dispossession (see Harvey: The New Imperialism, Oxfor University Press, 2003). The argument of our paper is as follows. First, we define the middleman minorities, i. e. those ethnic minorities that undertake an economic activity that is aimed at the majority of the population. Before World War II it was the aforementioned German, Hungarian and Jewish who excelled in such activities, while after Slovakia’s independence in 1993 a group of – mostly East Asian – immigrant small business owners played an important part in covering the population’s consumption needs that were left uncovered by the collapsing socialist way of distribution. Second, we argue that these two shifts in ethnic entrepreneurship are due to the overall systemic changes in the economy, and as such, they are parallel to the large transformations in the structure of the city. To prove these statements, we present two case studies on different urban locations in Bratislava.
1.A place that was an ethnic-run shop, restaurant or bar before WWII and was transformed to a large communist complex:
The Neurath ironmongery was a German family-run small department store residing in the city centre of Bratislava since the end of 18th century. Facade of this shop used to bear captions in German and Hungarian language, amended with Slovak translations since the emergence of Czechoslovakia in 1919. The building was torn down in restructuration of the square - to give place to Prior, one of the largest and most popular malls in the city centre, in the 1960s. At the former location of this house one finds today an empty, not clearly conceived space.
Location: Namestie SNP/ Spitalska/ Kamenne namestie
2.An ethnic-run place that was a large communist complex (factory, market hall) and that was transformed to a shop, bar or restaurant after 1993.
Complex of buildings constructed during the communist era on Mileticova street used to house several various retail stores which neighboured a fruit-and-vegetable market. Today they form a part of the Mileticova marketplace accomodating probably the biggest spacial concentration of emigrant-run small-scale shops in Slovakia. Various case studies can be picked up to illustrate transformations of this area.
Location: Mileticova ulica
Besides the description of the microhistory of these locations, we also propose to make a photo report that helps to visualize the two contrary processes that underwent the structural changes in the economic and political structure of Slovakia.
Our theoretical framework builds on Edna Bonacich’s concept of „middleman minorities” (see Bonacich: A Theory of Middleman Minorities, ASR, 1973) and on David Harvey’s notion of privatization as accumulation by dispossession (see Harvey: The New Imperialism, Oxfor University Press, 2003). The argument of our paper is as follows. First, we define the middleman minorities, i. e. those ethnic minorities that undertake an economic activity that is aimed at the majority of the population. Before World War II it was the aforementioned German, Hungarian and Jewish who excelled in such activities, while after Slovakia’s independence in 1993 a group of – mostly East Asian – immigrant small business owners played an important part in covering the population’s consumption needs that were left uncovered by the collapsing socialist way of distribution. Second, we argue that these two shifts in ethnic entrepreneurship are due to the overall systemic changes in the economy, and as such, they are parallel to the large transformations in the structure of the city. To prove these statements, we present two case studies on different urban locations in Bratislava.
1.A place that was an ethnic-run shop, restaurant or bar before WWII and was transformed to a large communist complex:
The Neurath ironmongery was a German family-run small department store residing in the city centre of Bratislava since the end of 18th century. Facade of this shop used to bear captions in German and Hungarian language, amended with Slovak translations since the emergence of Czechoslovakia in 1919. The building was torn down in restructuration of the square - to give place to Prior, one of the largest and most popular malls in the city centre, in the 1960s. At the former location of this house one finds today an empty, not clearly conceived space.
Location: Namestie SNP/ Spitalska/ Kamenne namestie
2.An ethnic-run place that was a large communist complex (factory, market hall) and that was transformed to a shop, bar or restaurant after 1993.
Complex of buildings constructed during the communist era on Mileticova street used to house several various retail stores which neighboured a fruit-and-vegetable market. Today they form a part of the Mileticova marketplace accomodating probably the biggest spacial concentration of emigrant-run small-scale shops in Slovakia. Various case studies can be picked up to illustrate transformations of this area.
Location: Mileticova ulica
Besides the description of the microhistory of these locations, we also propose to make a photo report that helps to visualize the two contrary processes that underwent the structural changes in the economic and political structure of Slovakia.
Apr 13, 2010
European City seminars 2010 – Ethnicity in the City (Ostrava and Krakow) Preliminary programme
Friday 16.4.2010
Check-in at Penzion Sokolská, Sokolská třída 131, Ostrava (very close to the train station Ostrava hl.n.: http://www.penziony.cz/ostrava/penzion-sokolska/#)
Meeting at the reception of Penzion Sokolská: 16:00
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; from Stadion Bazaly 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right across the street.
16:30, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
17:00, Presentation of the idea of research-seminars (Ondřej Daniel, MKC Praha)
17:15, Short presentation of the participants and advisors
18:00, Guest-speaker 1 (Kumar Vishwanathan, Vzájemné soužití, Roma NGO, Ostrava)
18:30, Guest-speaker 2 (Dominika Kasprowicz, Political Science, University of Krakow)
19:00, Guest-speaker 3 (Kateřina Sidiropulu Janků, Cultural Geography, University of Brno)
19:30, Discussion
20:00, Dinner
22:00, City Walk
Saturday 17.4.2010
Check-out, meeting at the reception of Pension Sokolská: 9:30
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right
10:00, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
10:00, Presentations of the research-projects, first part (5 minutes per person)
11:30, Advisors´ comments to the first part of the research-projects
12:30, Lunch
13:30, Presentations of the research-projects, second part (5 minutes per person)
14:30, Advisors´ comments to the second part of the research-projects
15:30, Krakow research group travels to the railway station; Ostrava research-group will check-in at Hotel Safari and will start the research
17:05, Ostrava hl.n., EC 102 Polonia – 18:50 (Katowice) – 18:55, TLK 83110 – Krakow Gl. – 20:48
Krakow-research group will check in at Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego.
Sunday 18.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Monday 19.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Vyšní Lhoty, Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Tuesday 20.4.2010
Research in Krakow agglomeration:
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Ostrava research-group will take the train to get to Krakow:
11:05, EC 104 Sobieski – 12:50 (Katowice) – 12:55, TLK 7310 – Krakow Gl. – 14:48
Villa Decius, ul. 28 Lipca 1943 roku 17 A, 30-233 Krakow, http://www.villa.org.pl/mapa.htm
Check-in of the Ostrava research-group (Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego)
16:30 – Presentation of the research results, first part
19:00 – Advisors´ comments
20:00 – Dinner
22:00 – City Walk
Wednesday 21.4.2010
8:30 – Presentation of the research results, second part
11:00 – Advisors´ comments
12:00 – Lunch (also take-away)
13:00 – Departures
Check-in at Penzion Sokolská, Sokolská třída 131, Ostrava (very close to the train station Ostrava hl.n.: http://www.penziony.cz/ostrava/penzion-sokolska/#)
Meeting at the reception of Penzion Sokolská: 16:00
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; from Stadion Bazaly 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right across the street.
16:30, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
17:00, Presentation of the idea of research-seminars (Ondřej Daniel, MKC Praha)
17:15, Short presentation of the participants and advisors
18:00, Guest-speaker 1 (Kumar Vishwanathan, Vzájemné soužití, Roma NGO, Ostrava)
18:30, Guest-speaker 2 (Dominika Kasprowicz, Political Science, University of Krakow)
19:00, Guest-speaker 3 (Kateřina Sidiropulu Janků, Cultural Geography, University of Brno)
19:30, Discussion
20:00, Dinner
22:00, City Walk
Saturday 17.4.2010
Check-out, meeting at the reception of Pension Sokolská: 9:30
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right
10:00, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
10:00, Presentations of the research-projects, first part (5 minutes per person)
11:30, Advisors´ comments to the first part of the research-projects
12:30, Lunch
13:30, Presentations of the research-projects, second part (5 minutes per person)
14:30, Advisors´ comments to the second part of the research-projects
15:30, Krakow research group travels to the railway station; Ostrava research-group will check-in at Hotel Safari and will start the research
17:05, Ostrava hl.n., EC 102 Polonia – 18:50 (Katowice) – 18:55, TLK 83110 – Krakow Gl. – 20:48
Krakow-research group will check in at Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego.
Sunday 18.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Monday 19.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Vyšní Lhoty, Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Tuesday 20.4.2010
Research in Krakow agglomeration:
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Ostrava research-group will take the train to get to Krakow:
11:05, EC 104 Sobieski – 12:50 (Katowice) – 12:55, TLK 7310 – Krakow Gl. – 14:48
Villa Decius, ul. 28 Lipca 1943 roku 17 A, 30-233 Krakow, http://www.villa.org.pl/mapa.htm
Check-in of the Ostrava research-group (Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego)
16:30 – Presentation of the research results, first part
19:00 – Advisors´ comments
20:00 – Dinner
22:00 – City Walk
Wednesday 21.4.2010
8:30 – Presentation of the research results, second part
11:00 – Advisors´ comments
12:00 – Lunch (also take-away)
13:00 – Departures
Apr 7, 2010
Ostrava: A Czech City Reclaims Its Past
By DINAH SPRITZER, The New York Times, April 4, 2010
HUGE hunks of rusting iron and coal dust might not seem like ideal catalysts for a cultural revival. But a former mining town in the Czech Republic that once epitomized Communist-era bleakness is embracing its industrial heritage, with a little help from punk rock, an all-night party street and a “castle” made of steel.
For decades Ostrava’s most famous symbol was a 1,033-foot-high slag heap, a conical pile of coal residue. Nicknamed “black Ostrava” after its mining industry, which went belly up in the early 1990s, the city sought to cast off its grimy reputation by attracting high-tech investment, leaving behind a patchwork of empty factories, mines and warehouses. Now a movement is afoot to revitalize the derelict sites.
“After Communism everyone wanted to build new things and erase the past, like they were ashamed,” said Marta Pilarova, an artist and the singer for two Ostrava-based “crust punk” bands, Disney and Kulma. “But this industry is a part of us — why should we pretend otherwise?”
The centerpiece of Ostrava’s new industrial chic is its “castle” — the former Vitkovice steel and ironworks smack in the city center (Ruska 24/83; 420-5 95-95-25-70; vitkovice.cz), whose soaring towers and subtle Art Nouveau details evoke an industrial version of the famous Prague Castle (hence the slightly ironic nickname). Lower Vitkovice opened for tours in 2007, offering visitors the chance to wander around a stunning maze of pipes, compressors and mysterious metal machines. (The plant will eventually be part of a $52 million science museum, conference center and “educational trail,” scheduled to debut in 2013.)
During a visit last summer, the musician David Byrne was enthralled with the former factory. “The place is awesome in its terrible beauty — similar to the works in Essen I visited a couple of years ago,” he wrote on his blog. “Some of the turbine parts looked like aliens or the statues of Easter Island.”
Two former mines are also taking on new incarnations as sites for exhibitions and concerts, often with industrial themes. Hlubina, part of the Vitkovice complex, opens for tours in May and will host electro-punk dance parties and art “happenings.” And on the outskirts of town, Michal Mine (Ceskoslovenske Armády 95/413; 420-5-96-23-11-60; dulmichal.cz) offers jazz concerts and art installations, as well as “day in the life of a miner” tours of equipment and living quarters.
But it’s the night-life scene a 10-minute tram ride away from Lower Vitkovice, on Stodolni Street (stodolni.cz), where dozens of bars and restaurants have emerged from a derelict strip of 19th-century warehouses, that has become the town’s biggest tourist draw.
At Dublin Pub (Stodolni 9; no phone; stodolni.cz/klub/dublin/), you can join the eye-shadow-and-oxford-shirt set dancing on tables to Euro-pop remixes. The two-year-old Kralovstvi Pecivalu, or the Lazy Man’s Kingdom (Stodolni 4; 420-5-96-12-22-62; upecivalu.cz), has a more dungeonlike feel, enhanced by patrons with multiple piercings and a D.J. spinning speed metal.
Despite revitalization, Ostrava’s potential to go upmarket may be limited. Many residents say swank is not for them.
“This is still a worker’s city, where you spend your cash at the bar on Friday right after you get paid,” said Jason Fitzgerald, an Irish expatriate who owns several Stodolni pubs. “If it gets too fancy, Ostrava will lose its magic.”
http://travel.nytimes.com/2010/04/04/travel/04surfacing.html?emc=eta1
HUGE hunks of rusting iron and coal dust might not seem like ideal catalysts for a cultural revival. But a former mining town in the Czech Republic that once epitomized Communist-era bleakness is embracing its industrial heritage, with a little help from punk rock, an all-night party street and a “castle” made of steel.
For decades Ostrava’s most famous symbol was a 1,033-foot-high slag heap, a conical pile of coal residue. Nicknamed “black Ostrava” after its mining industry, which went belly up in the early 1990s, the city sought to cast off its grimy reputation by attracting high-tech investment, leaving behind a patchwork of empty factories, mines and warehouses. Now a movement is afoot to revitalize the derelict sites.
“After Communism everyone wanted to build new things and erase the past, like they were ashamed,” said Marta Pilarova, an artist and the singer for two Ostrava-based “crust punk” bands, Disney and Kulma. “But this industry is a part of us — why should we pretend otherwise?”
The centerpiece of Ostrava’s new industrial chic is its “castle” — the former Vitkovice steel and ironworks smack in the city center (Ruska 24/83; 420-5 95-95-25-70; vitkovice.cz), whose soaring towers and subtle Art Nouveau details evoke an industrial version of the famous Prague Castle (hence the slightly ironic nickname). Lower Vitkovice opened for tours in 2007, offering visitors the chance to wander around a stunning maze of pipes, compressors and mysterious metal machines. (The plant will eventually be part of a $52 million science museum, conference center and “educational trail,” scheduled to debut in 2013.)
During a visit last summer, the musician David Byrne was enthralled with the former factory. “The place is awesome in its terrible beauty — similar to the works in Essen I visited a couple of years ago,” he wrote on his blog. “Some of the turbine parts looked like aliens or the statues of Easter Island.”
Two former mines are also taking on new incarnations as sites for exhibitions and concerts, often with industrial themes. Hlubina, part of the Vitkovice complex, opens for tours in May and will host electro-punk dance parties and art “happenings.” And on the outskirts of town, Michal Mine (Ceskoslovenske Armády 95/413; 420-5-96-23-11-60; dulmichal.cz) offers jazz concerts and art installations, as well as “day in the life of a miner” tours of equipment and living quarters.
But it’s the night-life scene a 10-minute tram ride away from Lower Vitkovice, on Stodolni Street (stodolni.cz), where dozens of bars and restaurants have emerged from a derelict strip of 19th-century warehouses, that has become the town’s biggest tourist draw.
At Dublin Pub (Stodolni 9; no phone; stodolni.cz/klub/dublin/), you can join the eye-shadow-and-oxford-shirt set dancing on tables to Euro-pop remixes. The two-year-old Kralovstvi Pecivalu, or the Lazy Man’s Kingdom (Stodolni 4; 420-5-96-12-22-62; upecivalu.cz), has a more dungeonlike feel, enhanced by patrons with multiple piercings and a D.J. spinning speed metal.
Despite revitalization, Ostrava’s potential to go upmarket may be limited. Many residents say swank is not for them.
“This is still a worker’s city, where you spend your cash at the bar on Friday right after you get paid,” said Jason Fitzgerald, an Irish expatriate who owns several Stodolni pubs. “If it gets too fancy, Ostrava will lose its magic.”
http://travel.nytimes.com/2010/04/04/travel/04surfacing.html?emc=eta1
Apr 4, 2010
Olga Smirnova - Ostrava Research Project
The discovery of coal and regular mining activities in the second part of the 18th century boosted the economical development of once a peripheral area of the present day Ostrava and in the second half of the 19th century it became one of the most significant industrial centers of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The number of inhabitants increased drastically which led to the transformation of the administrative, social and cultural life of the town. Known after the WWII under the names of the “city of coal and iron” and also the “steel heart of the republic”, nowadays Ostrava is aspiring to acquire the status of the European Cultural Capital in 2015.
Ostrava’s Moravian-Silesian National Theatre ranks among the best in the Czech Republic. The Janáček Philharmonic Orchestra Ostrava became one of the leading Czech symphonic orchestras very shortly after its founding in 1954. High quality opera, drama, ballet performances and classical music concerts often attract a great number of visitors. It can be easily considered to be “Ostrava phenomenon” having a high-rank professional theater and orchestra in the city with the population slightly over 330 thousand inhabitants.
Ostrava’s public is very demanding. And the theater halls are often full. I found very interesting the fact that about 25 % of the cast of Ostrava’s leading cultural institutions consists of foreigners. Among them the great number of artists, musicians, dancers come from the countries of the former Soviet Union. In addition there is a large group of Italian professionals – mainly opera singers – who found an application to their talents in Ostrava. Such a large number of foreign professionals permanently based in Ostrava could not but influence the quality of the theater performance and the choice of the repertoire. And possibly as a consequence shape the cultural preferences of the Ostrava’s public.
In my research I would like to focus on the professionals from the former Soviet Union republics who are now performing in Ostrava Theater and singing in Ostrava orchestra. Many of them started coming to the Czech Republic already in the early 90ies – the time when the general spirit of suspicion towards “the Russians” was in the air. Many of them are now active in the cultural scene. How do they reflect upon their life in Ostrava? Do they identify themselves with the Czech in general and Ostrava’s in particular cultural sphere? Do they build relations with their Czech and non-Czech colleagues following the rules of the “healthy competition” (I’ve often heard the claim that “a Russian professional has to be three times better than the Czech one in order to get a job position in the Czech Republic”) and what relation does it have to the quality of Ostrava’s cultural life?
During my stay in Ostrava I will conduct a series of interviews with the Ukrainian, Russian and Belarusian ballet dancers, opera singers and chorus singers. I will attend a performance in the Moravian-Silesian National Theatre (and time permitting also Arena Chamber Theater) and talk to several regular theater goers.
Ostrava’s Moravian-Silesian National Theatre ranks among the best in the Czech Republic. The Janáček Philharmonic Orchestra Ostrava became one of the leading Czech symphonic orchestras very shortly after its founding in 1954. High quality opera, drama, ballet performances and classical music concerts often attract a great number of visitors. It can be easily considered to be “Ostrava phenomenon” having a high-rank professional theater and orchestra in the city with the population slightly over 330 thousand inhabitants.
Ostrava’s public is very demanding. And the theater halls are often full. I found very interesting the fact that about 25 % of the cast of Ostrava’s leading cultural institutions consists of foreigners. Among them the great number of artists, musicians, dancers come from the countries of the former Soviet Union. In addition there is a large group of Italian professionals – mainly opera singers – who found an application to their talents in Ostrava. Such a large number of foreign professionals permanently based in Ostrava could not but influence the quality of the theater performance and the choice of the repertoire. And possibly as a consequence shape the cultural preferences of the Ostrava’s public.
In my research I would like to focus on the professionals from the former Soviet Union republics who are now performing in Ostrava Theater and singing in Ostrava orchestra. Many of them started coming to the Czech Republic already in the early 90ies – the time when the general spirit of suspicion towards “the Russians” was in the air. Many of them are now active in the cultural scene. How do they reflect upon their life in Ostrava? Do they identify themselves with the Czech in general and Ostrava’s in particular cultural sphere? Do they build relations with their Czech and non-Czech colleagues following the rules of the “healthy competition” (I’ve often heard the claim that “a Russian professional has to be three times better than the Czech one in order to get a job position in the Czech Republic”) and what relation does it have to the quality of Ostrava’s cultural life?
During my stay in Ostrava I will conduct a series of interviews with the Ukrainian, Russian and Belarusian ballet dancers, opera singers and chorus singers. I will attend a performance in the Moravian-Silesian National Theatre (and time permitting also Arena Chamber Theater) and talk to several regular theater goers.
Apr 1, 2010
Alexander Onufrak - The consequences of the Paris Peace Conference: The case of Czieszyn/Cesky Tesin.
It is generally known, that the European continent was an unstable for ages and the international borders between former empires moved all this time. The instability in Europe was a result not only by the military impacts from outside (from the others empires or states), but quite often by the ethnic disturbance inside local society. Even though, the process of self-determination of several European nations, especially at Central and South – Eastern Europe, generally began at the middle of the 19th Century, the most significant territorial changes occurred at the beginning of the 20th Century – shortly after World War I. The collapse of the Central powers brought not only ending of battles on the fronts, liberty and peace, but also a new configuration of Europe and the new independent national states.
The collapse of Austro – Hungarian Kingdom and the following formation of the new states like Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Romania or Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes often brought a large scale of the ethnic tension on the both side of the new international borders. Although, the international borders emerged from the series of post-war summits also known as the Paris Peace Conference and by the international treaties signed by the European and also by non-European politicians, between common people the process of demarcation was quite frequently criticized and considered as unfairness. Although, the creation of the Central European region had been realized nearly 90 years ago, the local ethnic tensions are still actual and alive. In this sense, it is so important to realize, that many present ethnic tensions have their roots somewhere at the beginning of the 20th Century. At that time several historical regions had been divided between two or more neighbour states including their autochthonous inhabitants. The former state of Czechoslovakia was a typical representative of it. Its international borders with the neighbours generally depend on the international treaties from 1920s. For the new established state of Czechoslovakia, the most significant treaties were this:
1.The Treaty of Versailles, which confirmed Czechoslovak border with Germany (Part III. Section VII. Article 81 – 86).
2.The Treaty of Saint Germain which recognized international border between Czechoslovakia and the new state of Austria.
3.The Treaty of Trianon. By this treaty Hungary lost over 70 % of its former territory and almost 65 % of all inhabitants, including 3 millions of ethnic Hungarians who became the citizens of the neighbouring states. The international border between the Slovak part of Czechoslovakia and new Hungarian state was (and still is) the most complicated of all. The border of Hungary had been fixed by the Article 27. of the Treaty of Trianon.
4.The Treaty of Sevres had just marginal importance for the Czechoslovaks officials, since it concerned only few villages in Subcarpathian Rus (Carpathian Ruthenia) near the Romanian and Polish borders.
5.The Spa Conference was not a direct element of the Paris Peace Conference. It was just based on it. Its main duty was to adjust relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland and also drafted a common border line between both states in the region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia. On the base of the Spa Conference, historical region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia had been divided between to neighbour states – Czechoslovakia and Poland. The Goral villages in the regions of Northern Orava and Spisz were affected by the similar fate.
In my research I would like to focus to geopolitical and territorial changes at the region of the Central Europe and their impacts to the economic, social and cultural live to ethnic communities especially to this who lived at the border zones. In this research I will try to explain how important is to permanently remind historical development of the present Central European states and nations and also their international relations between them. On the case of divided Czieszyn/Tesin Silesia, I will try to explain some historical facts which happened almost one century ago, but their consequences people have felt during all this time. The ethnic prejudices and stereotypes to those which live on the other side of the border are still actual and alive. The stereotypes like resistance, aversion, antipathy, repulsion and disgust to other ethnic group are still to strong in the region of Central Europe. This problem is much more evident between those individuals and their relatives that lost their properties on the other side of the border where they live now. This situation is quite dangerous and it helps to encourage to a new and a new ethnic strain between different ethnic groups. This status is much more visible at the time of crisis. The region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia was a great example of it, considering that three big ethnic groups lived there all together. There were Czechs, Poles and Germans.
On this case, it is very clear to see, how the influence of the concrete ethic group was increasing and decreasing depend on, if the ethnic group was at the ruling position or not. Initially, Poland annexed the Czechoslovak part of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia that leaded to displacement and persecuting of Czechs. After few months of the polish governing supremacy, the border area of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia became once again a part of the territory of the Bohemian lands under Nazi control and this status to survive until the end of the World War II. The German ethnic group hold a complete control over public administration until 1945, when the new Czechoslovak states took a power on this area back. This period of the Czechoslovak history is an inglorious known as a wild displacement especially of Germans, but also of Poles in Bohemia and Hungarians in Slovakia. On the other hand, it is important to say, that this practise happened not only at the former Czechoslovakia, but also at the neighbouring states.
At the summary, I would like to say, that it is so important to point out of some historical facts and analyze them, because it is only one way, how is possibly preceded to any ethnic collisions at to the future. Even if, my research is exactly aiming to region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia and on the Czech – Polish relations since 1920s to now, the core itself of this issue it could by used anywhere. Since, in the Central European region there is still a high level of the probability, that one day some radical groups could use negative power of stereotypes and try to establish a new order, which could be a similar to that of the interwar period.
The collapse of Austro – Hungarian Kingdom and the following formation of the new states like Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Romania or Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes often brought a large scale of the ethnic tension on the both side of the new international borders. Although, the international borders emerged from the series of post-war summits also known as the Paris Peace Conference and by the international treaties signed by the European and also by non-European politicians, between common people the process of demarcation was quite frequently criticized and considered as unfairness. Although, the creation of the Central European region had been realized nearly 90 years ago, the local ethnic tensions are still actual and alive. In this sense, it is so important to realize, that many present ethnic tensions have their roots somewhere at the beginning of the 20th Century. At that time several historical regions had been divided between two or more neighbour states including their autochthonous inhabitants. The former state of Czechoslovakia was a typical representative of it. Its international borders with the neighbours generally depend on the international treaties from 1920s. For the new established state of Czechoslovakia, the most significant treaties were this:
1.The Treaty of Versailles, which confirmed Czechoslovak border with Germany (Part III. Section VII. Article 81 – 86).
2.The Treaty of Saint Germain which recognized international border between Czechoslovakia and the new state of Austria.
3.The Treaty of Trianon. By this treaty Hungary lost over 70 % of its former territory and almost 65 % of all inhabitants, including 3 millions of ethnic Hungarians who became the citizens of the neighbouring states. The international border between the Slovak part of Czechoslovakia and new Hungarian state was (and still is) the most complicated of all. The border of Hungary had been fixed by the Article 27. of the Treaty of Trianon.
4.The Treaty of Sevres had just marginal importance for the Czechoslovaks officials, since it concerned only few villages in Subcarpathian Rus (Carpathian Ruthenia) near the Romanian and Polish borders.
5.The Spa Conference was not a direct element of the Paris Peace Conference. It was just based on it. Its main duty was to adjust relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland and also drafted a common border line between both states in the region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia. On the base of the Spa Conference, historical region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia had been divided between to neighbour states – Czechoslovakia and Poland. The Goral villages in the regions of Northern Orava and Spisz were affected by the similar fate.
In my research I would like to focus to geopolitical and territorial changes at the region of the Central Europe and their impacts to the economic, social and cultural live to ethnic communities especially to this who lived at the border zones. In this research I will try to explain how important is to permanently remind historical development of the present Central European states and nations and also their international relations between them. On the case of divided Czieszyn/Tesin Silesia, I will try to explain some historical facts which happened almost one century ago, but their consequences people have felt during all this time. The ethnic prejudices and stereotypes to those which live on the other side of the border are still actual and alive. The stereotypes like resistance, aversion, antipathy, repulsion and disgust to other ethnic group are still to strong in the region of Central Europe. This problem is much more evident between those individuals and their relatives that lost their properties on the other side of the border where they live now. This situation is quite dangerous and it helps to encourage to a new and a new ethnic strain between different ethnic groups. This status is much more visible at the time of crisis. The region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia was a great example of it, considering that three big ethnic groups lived there all together. There were Czechs, Poles and Germans.
On this case, it is very clear to see, how the influence of the concrete ethic group was increasing and decreasing depend on, if the ethnic group was at the ruling position or not. Initially, Poland annexed the Czechoslovak part of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia that leaded to displacement and persecuting of Czechs. After few months of the polish governing supremacy, the border area of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia became once again a part of the territory of the Bohemian lands under Nazi control and this status to survive until the end of the World War II. The German ethnic group hold a complete control over public administration until 1945, when the new Czechoslovak states took a power on this area back. This period of the Czechoslovak history is an inglorious known as a wild displacement especially of Germans, but also of Poles in Bohemia and Hungarians in Slovakia. On the other hand, it is important to say, that this practise happened not only at the former Czechoslovakia, but also at the neighbouring states.
At the summary, I would like to say, that it is so important to point out of some historical facts and analyze them, because it is only one way, how is possibly preceded to any ethnic collisions at to the future. Even if, my research is exactly aiming to region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia and on the Czech – Polish relations since 1920s to now, the core itself of this issue it could by used anywhere. Since, in the Central European region there is still a high level of the probability, that one day some radical groups could use negative power of stereotypes and try to establish a new order, which could be a similar to that of the interwar period.
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