More pictures (thx to Viorica)
Jun 22, 2010
Jun 7, 2010
Preliminary programme - Ethnicity in Berlin
Venue: Three Little Pigs Hostel Berlin, Stresemanstraße 66, Berlin 10963, Germany, Telephone: +49 (0)30 - 32 66 29 55, Fax: +49 (0)30 - 32 66 29 56, http://www.three-little-pigs.de
Friday 18. June 2010
until 16:00 – arrival to the hostel, checking-in
16:00 – 16:15 – Introduction to the overall idea of research seminars (Ondrej Daniel, Multicultural Centre Prague)
16:15 – 16:30 – Ethnicity in Berlin (topics to focus on, Bjoern Jungius, Rejs e.V.)
16:30 – 17:15 – Quick presentation of the participants and advisors
17:15 – 18:00 – Lucia Ilieva - Roma Settlements in Bulgaria and in Western Europe
18:00 - 18:15 - Break
18:15 - 19:00 - Dušan Ugrina - (Ex-)Yugoslav Communities in Europe and Berlin
19:00 – 19:45 – Ezgi Haliloglu Kahraman – Turkish Communities in Europe and Berlin
19:45 – 20:30 – Viola Donata Rauch – Children of Migrants in Berlin
Saturday 19 June
9:00 – 9:30 – Logistics of the research seminar (Ondrej Daniel, Multicultural Centre Prague and Bjoern Jungius, Rejs e.V.)
9:30 – 10:00 – Andreas Kapphahn – title of the lecture to be confirmed
10:00 – 10:30 – Discussion
11:00 – 13:00 – Alternative City Walk (Kreuzberg)
13:00 – Lunch
Emergeandsee media arts festival, Stattbad Wedding (optional)
Theme: Hybrid metropolis - in between spaces, http://blog.emergeandsee.org/
Afternoon – research (individual or in groups)
20:00 – Dinner
Sunday 20 June
All day – research (individual or in groups)
Dr. Andreas Langer - Nature Park Südgelände Berlin Walk (optional)
20:00 – Dinner
Monday 21 June
8:30 – 12:00 – Quick presentations of the research outcome
12:00 – 12:30 – Advisors comments
12:30 – 13:00 – Feedback, planning, sustainibility
Friday 18. June 2010
until 16:00 – arrival to the hostel, checking-in
16:00 – 16:15 – Introduction to the overall idea of research seminars (Ondrej Daniel, Multicultural Centre Prague)
16:15 – 16:30 – Ethnicity in Berlin (topics to focus on, Bjoern Jungius, Rejs e.V.)
16:30 – 17:15 – Quick presentation of the participants and advisors
17:15 – 18:00 – Lucia Ilieva - Roma Settlements in Bulgaria and in Western Europe
18:00 - 18:15 - Break
18:15 - 19:00 - Dušan Ugrina - (Ex-)Yugoslav Communities in Europe and Berlin
19:00 – 19:45 – Ezgi Haliloglu Kahraman – Turkish Communities in Europe and Berlin
19:45 – 20:30 – Viola Donata Rauch – Children of Migrants in Berlin
Saturday 19 June
9:00 – 9:30 – Logistics of the research seminar (Ondrej Daniel, Multicultural Centre Prague and Bjoern Jungius, Rejs e.V.)
9:30 – 10:00 – Andreas Kapphahn – title of the lecture to be confirmed
10:00 – 10:30 – Discussion
11:00 – 13:00 – Alternative City Walk (Kreuzberg)
13:00 – Lunch
Emergeandsee media arts festival, Stattbad Wedding (optional)
Theme: Hybrid metropolis - in between spaces, http://blog.emergeandsee.org/
Afternoon – research (individual or in groups)
20:00 – Dinner
Sunday 20 June
All day – research (individual or in groups)
Dr. Andreas Langer - Nature Park Südgelände Berlin Walk (optional)
20:00 – Dinner
Monday 21 June
8:30 – 12:00 – Quick presentations of the research outcome
12:00 – 12:30 – Advisors comments
12:30 – 13:00 – Feedback, planning, sustainibility
May 30, 2010
Radka Svačinková - Turkish Muslims in Berlin
In my research, I would like to focus on Muslims of Turkish origin living in Berlin. In the methodological part of my research, I will determine and classify who may be referred to as a Muslim (of Turkish origin). I shall answer a methodological, rather tricky, question - how do we classify such a person? Can a Muslim be called someone who attends the mosque on Friday night and maintain his or her religious duties according to the Islamic tradition, or may we call a Muslim someone whose family is of Muslim background?
In the second part, the research will discuss both the ethnicity and religious beliefs of those whom we may refer to as Muslims, as the two aspects are connected. Therefore the second part of my research will be consisted of two partial areas. In the first subarea, I will analyze statistics and academic researches regarding ethnicity and religiosity of Turkish Muslims in Germany, particularly in Berlin, with a closer look at a process of integration, the theories of multiculturalism etc. and their execution in the reality with an aim to find out how (or if) the process of integration has an direct impact on religious and ethnic self-perception of Turkish Muslims. In the second subarea, I will conduct a field research by means of direct interviews in which I will analyze how (or if) Turkish Muslims maintain their religion and ethnic self-determination in a country with Christian and Germanic majority, provided the fact that Berlin is a multireligious and multicultural city. In my interviews, I will attempt to explore religious needs and possible satisfaction/dissatisfaction, measure of integration, communication evaluation with institutions and non-governmental organization that work with Turkish Muslims (both German and non-German citizens).
Based on the interviews and the analysis of scientific researches, I will consequently distinguish means of integration within the society, possible obstacles or advantages of such an act and other specifications of the Turkish Muslims’ self-perspective.
In the second part, the research will discuss both the ethnicity and religious beliefs of those whom we may refer to as Muslims, as the two aspects are connected. Therefore the second part of my research will be consisted of two partial areas. In the first subarea, I will analyze statistics and academic researches regarding ethnicity and religiosity of Turkish Muslims in Germany, particularly in Berlin, with a closer look at a process of integration, the theories of multiculturalism etc. and their execution in the reality with an aim to find out how (or if) the process of integration has an direct impact on religious and ethnic self-perception of Turkish Muslims. In the second subarea, I will conduct a field research by means of direct interviews in which I will analyze how (or if) Turkish Muslims maintain their religion and ethnic self-determination in a country with Christian and Germanic majority, provided the fact that Berlin is a multireligious and multicultural city. In my interviews, I will attempt to explore religious needs and possible satisfaction/dissatisfaction, measure of integration, communication evaluation with institutions and non-governmental organization that work with Turkish Muslims (both German and non-German citizens).
Based on the interviews and the analysis of scientific researches, I will consequently distinguish means of integration within the society, possible obstacles or advantages of such an act and other specifications of the Turkish Muslims’ self-perspective.
May 27, 2010
May 21, 2010
Eszter György - Kreuzberg and Josephstadt
Kreuzberg and Józsefváros (Josephstadt): city quarters in Berlin and in Budapest, where social and urban questions of disadvantaged situation, spatial segregation, different ethnic backgrounds, special educative and cultural programs for integration are quite apparent.
In my research, I would like to compare the social rehabilitation works of Quartiersmanagement of Kreuzberg and the Magdolna-project in the 8th district of Budapest. Both of these city planning programs have been launched at the same time, in 2005 and both provide social participation, integration and development of „difficult” neighborhoods or, put differently, of districts with special development needs. Naturally, it would be a much greater work to analyze in parallel the two programs, and as our research in the frame of the seminar could only be quite restricted, I will simply focus on some points, which, nevertheless, will hopefully reflect on the most important themes of public participation-based district-development.
By interviewing some members of Quartiersmanagement and by observing their work related to the neighbourhood council, I will concentrate on their program themes such as thedistrict culture, the integration of diverse social and ethnic groups, the living environment and public space and the image improvement and public relations.
I hope that by getting closer to the patterns and methods used in Kreuzberg, I can also approach from new perspectives the development projects in the 8th district, whose social history and identity-building is the question of my PhD in Budapest.
http://www.quartiersmanagement-berlin.de
József street, 8th district, Budapest
My fest 2009, Kreuzberg, Berlin
May 19, 2010
Sebastien Gobert - Embassies and ethnicity
Berlin is one of the few places in the world where international embassies are more than diplomatic representations. Indeed, many of them are not just located in pre-existing buildings rented out by foreign governments, as it is the case in most capitals of the world. Following the fall of the Wall and the reunification of the city, Berlin became the capital of unified Germany in summer 1999. Part of the extensive reconfiguration of the urban space was dedicated to building and renovating 'official' edifices to host an entire set of governmental, administrative and diplomatic services. Such a process allowed many foreign governments to build and design their own embassies out of stratch, thus turning their representations into national showcases.
My research focuses on the exhibition and promotion of national and ethnic characteristics through the architectural design of some foreign embassies in Berlin. The way these charateristics are displayed reflects some common understandings on so-called 'national' features these countries wish to promote and be associated with. The embassies of South Africa, India or else Egypt seem to be designed quite explicitely for this purpose. It might as well be interesting to investigate the political dimension of some of the diplomatic buildings, such as the Russian one (still referring explicitely to the Soviet times) or the Nordic embassies (a 'Scandinavic' building hosts the representations of Denmark, Norway, Finland, Iceland and Sweden).
I wish to replace this research in the context of the restructuration of the urban space, since many embassies are located on former segments of the dividing wall and no man's land. I also intend to use the results of my investigation in understanding the renewed strength of Berlin as one of the major European and world capital cities.
Tools/Methods:
Observation of a selection of embassies (Tiergarten, Mitte);
Internet sources on the buildings and architectural styles;
Interviews with members of the embassies' staff and specialists (if possible on weekends)
My research focuses on the exhibition and promotion of national and ethnic characteristics through the architectural design of some foreign embassies in Berlin. The way these charateristics are displayed reflects some common understandings on so-called 'national' features these countries wish to promote and be associated with. The embassies of South Africa, India or else Egypt seem to be designed quite explicitely for this purpose. It might as well be interesting to investigate the political dimension of some of the diplomatic buildings, such as the Russian one (still referring explicitely to the Soviet times) or the Nordic embassies (a 'Scandinavic' building hosts the representations of Denmark, Norway, Finland, Iceland and Sweden).
I wish to replace this research in the context of the restructuration of the urban space, since many embassies are located on former segments of the dividing wall and no man's land. I also intend to use the results of my investigation in understanding the renewed strength of Berlin as one of the major European and world capital cities.
Tools/Methods:
Observation of a selection of embassies (Tiergarten, Mitte);
Internet sources on the buildings and architectural styles;
Interviews with members of the embassies' staff and specialists (if possible on weekends)
Anna Wnuk - Berlin Research Plan
In such a heterogenic city as Berlin the sphere of ethnicity seems to be quite visible and also challenging and exciting. My interests in ethnicity in Berlin especially concern in Jewish culture. I would like to explore ethnicity especially in the city space (architecture) but also among people – inhabitants of Berlin.
Berlin is the specific city, its history is strongly related to Jewish culture and also nowadays we can observe some traces of this past interaction. At the same time in Berlin still live Jewish people and establish a new community. Therefore I would like to research how the Jewish past and the present create contemporary reality of the city.
I would like to examine some former Jewish district (ex. Oranienburger Strasse, Prenzlauer Berg which is now gentrified area and it could be interesting to view how it changes), to find for example Jewish street names, restaurants, shops as well as visit some places which commemorate Jewish culture, such as Jewish Museum Berlin and Holocaust Memorial by Peter Eisenman. What interests me the most is how these places interweave with surrounding area, how contemporary Berlin inhabitants perceive these past traces, are they visible for them, are some monuments significant, maybe some not?
Also important for me, is to scrutinize contemporary Berlin’s Jewish community, its places and people (for example Jewish Community Centre, New Synagogue Berlin - Centrum Judaicum Foundation) in order to study how Jewish and other nationalities/ethnic groups of people live together and how they deal with their traditions. For now I have some questions to consider and I hope I could find more information on some issues, for example: Does the Jewish community lives isolated or maybe they are quite integrated with Germans? Do they want to emphasize their culture background and if yes in what way?
Moreover it seems to be inspiring to examine how such ethnic diversity, in this case Jewish culture, influences on the city space and perhaps generates new places where different cultures merge each other. Such an example perhaps could be the Kreuzberg district which is known as “little Istanbul” and as well there is Jewish synagogue.
Due to the time limitations of the project I do not know if it is possible to carry out my whole research plan, but at least I would like to deal with part of this. My methods of research will be probably: observation, short interviews with inhabitants (ex. passer-bys) and photos.
Berlin is the specific city, its history is strongly related to Jewish culture and also nowadays we can observe some traces of this past interaction. At the same time in Berlin still live Jewish people and establish a new community. Therefore I would like to research how the Jewish past and the present create contemporary reality of the city.
I would like to examine some former Jewish district (ex. Oranienburger Strasse, Prenzlauer Berg which is now gentrified area and it could be interesting to view how it changes), to find for example Jewish street names, restaurants, shops as well as visit some places which commemorate Jewish culture, such as Jewish Museum Berlin and Holocaust Memorial by Peter Eisenman. What interests me the most is how these places interweave with surrounding area, how contemporary Berlin inhabitants perceive these past traces, are they visible for them, are some monuments significant, maybe some not?
Also important for me, is to scrutinize contemporary Berlin’s Jewish community, its places and people (for example Jewish Community Centre, New Synagogue Berlin - Centrum Judaicum Foundation) in order to study how Jewish and other nationalities/ethnic groups of people live together and how they deal with their traditions. For now I have some questions to consider and I hope I could find more information on some issues, for example: Does the Jewish community lives isolated or maybe they are quite integrated with Germans? Do they want to emphasize their culture background and if yes in what way?
Moreover it seems to be inspiring to examine how such ethnic diversity, in this case Jewish culture, influences on the city space and perhaps generates new places where different cultures merge each other. Such an example perhaps could be the Kreuzberg district which is known as “little Istanbul” and as well there is Jewish synagogue.
Due to the time limitations of the project I do not know if it is possible to carry out my whole research plan, but at least I would like to deal with part of this. My methods of research will be probably: observation, short interviews with inhabitants (ex. passer-bys) and photos.
May 11, 2010
Francesca La Vigna - Open air flea markets and ethnicity
Flea market Mauer Park (Prenzlauer Berg)
In a relatively new and open-minded capital city, as Berlin likes to be defined and to present itself to Germans, tourists and to new migrants, traces of ethnicity are latent and visible in every district (with due differences), corners, streets or simply listening to passers-by conversations. An important aspect that makes Berlin less German and accesible at least for the very (long) beginning, is the fact that a newcomer non-German-speacker can survive communicating in English. Nevertheless when thinking about ethnic minorities in Berlin, the Turkish and Polish ones open the list among several groups of migrants coming from east-Europe, Mediterranean area and eastern Asia. Considering the specific physical distribution, the district of Neükolln is the most hetrogeneus in terms of ethnic differences and social inequalities, according to statistic data provided by the Regional Statistical Office (Statistisches Landesamt Berlin. www.statistik-berlin.de). The first pull reason is related to the historical tradition of migration to that area that seems to be confirmed also nowadays (as well as in other parts of the city, but keeping into account the Gentrification and “fashion” factors, too) mainly due to the still relatively low rental prices (a huge percentage of Berliners is tenant rather than owner). Then follow Kreuzberg and its young, alive and artistic-cultural stimulating atmosphere, the touristic new Mitte, Charlottenburg-Wilelmdorf and Tempelhof-Schöneberg in the former western part of the city.
Apart from these kind of analyses there are some Berlin´s peculiar places where it is possible to have a comprehensive overview of such a complex and heterogeneous ethnic mosaic: the flea and food markets. Within them economic activities, cultures, tourism, artistic expressions and ethnicity are melted together.
Mostly during the weekends, markets are present in every district. The nature of sold items is almost the same everywhere (second hands stuff, antiquities, new hand-crafted creations), what makes the difference is the location (pedestrian areas, squares, parks, streets, etc.) and the visitors´s features. Quite often flea markets are also a kind of “established” gathering place for some ethnic groups, whose members not necessarely live in the same neighbourhood.
Research proposal:
After having selected one or more flea markets (according to time schedule and other participants´interests), possibly not the most famous, the research would be oriented to point out some of the main features of each market as a whole, paying attention to: space (how much surpface do they occupy and its conformation, ex. square, street, dismissed factory, etc.), location within the city and Kiez´s peculiarities, average confluence of people, average age of the visitors, ethnic variety.
Turkish market in Maybachufer (Kreuzberg)
Flea Market in Boxhagener Platz (Friedrichshain)
Tools/Methods:
• Continuative observation (from the opening till the closing time) and small written report about it.
• Short questionnaire (to be prepared in cooperation with some expert in the field among the WS participants) or random direct questions to visitors/sellers, whereas it won´t be possible to guess ethnic belonging from physical appearance or spocken languages.
• Photos (they will be commented using all the collected data).
May 6, 2010
Markéta Vrabcová - Research proposal
Interaction between people in the city with different cultural background with view to the phenomenon „Spirit of Place“
During the research in Berlin I would like to follow on the survey" Spirit of Place" of UNESCO sites which is my student project in the framework of my doctoral studies at the Philosophical Faculty of Charles University in Prague.
Detailed description of the project: Spirit of Place
This project is inspired by the conception of genius loci in accordance to Christian Norberg-Schulz (Norwegian architect, architectural historian and theorist):
''Genius loci is a roman term. According to the conviction of the Old Romans any 'independent' being possesses his own genius, such a protective spirit. This spirit revives people and places accompanies them from birth to death and destines their character and disposition (Schulz, Genius loci, 1994)."
The origination of genius loci in cities
The Spirit of Place in cities is something more than we can see on the first view (it´s not only an account of streets, electric lights, trams, telephone boxes, buildings etc.), but behind the view is hidden a message about the society and people who live there.
Places are linked with humans through belief, ritual, magic and religion. Any place present and outward, reflects human and inward, and is a projection of human subjectivity and everyday life.
The importance of genius loci
Spirit of Place is important because of the variety – different content, use, messages in every place.
Variety and meaningful places hence may enlarge well-being and satisfaction with life.
Genius loci of UNESCO sites
Genius loci of UNESCO sites in the world helps people to be intensely aware of their cultural identity and national heritage, and to become proud of it. It also helps develop their sensitivity to the environment by which they are surrounded.
Research
The research for Spirit of Place of UNESCO sites is a qualitative project research based on the method of visual sociology called auto-photography (described by the Polish sociologist Piotr Sztompka). Within this method respondents take a concrete amount of photos related to a theme according to their personal perception and interpretation. The research is usually combined with questionnaires.
The main aim of this project is to find out how the Spirit of Place is perceived and interpreted by people from different parts of world and with different cultural backgrounds.
My project in Berlin consists of two parts:
Part A)
In Berlin I would like to use also the method of visual sociology. I plan to research space around mostly visited historical sites how is it used by people with different cultural backgrounds and how these people interact there between themselves and if it helps them to create positive connections. I plan to take photos and then analyse the collected material.
Part B)
As Berlin is the city with developed alternative artistic scene I plan also research this scene – street art- and how does it reflect multiculturalism in that city.
Additional information
Examples from research:
(Flavien)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 22
Nationality: French
Occupation: Student of History
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Klementinum, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 20/11/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
I am interested in this picture of Klementinum, because it represents the cultural sides of the place. Klementinum is a national library and in this place are many artworks, temporary or permanent. The building is massive and large but in these walls full of history is hidden a delicacy of culture and knowledge.
(Andrew)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 30
Nationality: American
Occupation: Teacher and Journalist
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Prague Castle, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 20/11/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
"Standing in Line at Zlata Ulicka"
Zlata Ulicka is without a doubt one of the most famous (and charming!) features of Prazsky hrad! As such it is also very popular with the tourists. Back when I visited Prague for the very first time in 1998, access to the alley was still free of charge and one could also see the little cute houses in full detail. As with all things related to mass tourism, that changed over time, and now there is normally a price of admission to be paid for entrance. The image of all the tourists properly lining up to show their tickets to the policeman standing next to the iconic and also very touristic little guard-house, is quite representative of the general transition that Prague and Prague Castle have made as tourist destinations. While Zlata Ulicka certainly is worth a few Crowns and hence the price of admission, and maintaining and preserving Prague Castle costs a lot of money, there still seems something ideologically wrong with placing a price on the alley. The picture shows how Prague Castle has become both a place of culture and commerce.
(František)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 27
Nationality: Czech
Occupation: Student of Music
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Charles bridge, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 20/12/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
The spirit of place of Charles Bridge appears in three different plains and all these plains are caught in this photo: 1) river, blocks against the ice, birds, 2) construction of Charles bridge and it´s characteristic shape, arches, patterns of stones, protective pillars against the ice, 3) people, who do something on the bridge - unfortunately usually they are caricaturists or marketeers who want to earn as much as possible from tourism. There are also a lot of beautiful details: paving, sculpture, lamps.
(Tadeuš)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 29
Nationality: Czech
Occupation: Student / Teacher
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Klementinum, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 15/11/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
The office in the vestibule is a famous place for all university students in Prague. Students from different disciplines meet here. It´s a suitable place for searching in the library funds, having a short rest or getting to know other people. I usually meet here a lot of my colleagues or peers. Students and Klementinum for many years have belonged together. In the atmosphere of old Jesuit wisdom, this hall always appeals more as office. Its appeal is like old and yellowed civil architecture from the early 20th century. I like this place because of that. It breathes on me a dream about a period when any free research and creation will be available for everybody because of a prevailing free time, when this place will be perceived as reader´s place, and when people can freely decide where they want to read a book. During any pause they will be able to share with others their love and passion for books.
During the research in Berlin I would like to follow on the survey" Spirit of Place" of UNESCO sites which is my student project in the framework of my doctoral studies at the Philosophical Faculty of Charles University in Prague.
Detailed description of the project: Spirit of Place
This project is inspired by the conception of genius loci in accordance to Christian Norberg-Schulz (Norwegian architect, architectural historian and theorist):
''Genius loci is a roman term. According to the conviction of the Old Romans any 'independent' being possesses his own genius, such a protective spirit. This spirit revives people and places accompanies them from birth to death and destines their character and disposition (Schulz, Genius loci, 1994)."
The origination of genius loci in cities
The Spirit of Place in cities is something more than we can see on the first view (it´s not only an account of streets, electric lights, trams, telephone boxes, buildings etc.), but behind the view is hidden a message about the society and people who live there.
Places are linked with humans through belief, ritual, magic and religion. Any place present and outward, reflects human and inward, and is a projection of human subjectivity and everyday life.
The importance of genius loci
Spirit of Place is important because of the variety – different content, use, messages in every place.
Variety and meaningful places hence may enlarge well-being and satisfaction with life.
Genius loci of UNESCO sites
Genius loci of UNESCO sites in the world helps people to be intensely aware of their cultural identity and national heritage, and to become proud of it. It also helps develop their sensitivity to the environment by which they are surrounded.
Research
The research for Spirit of Place of UNESCO sites is a qualitative project research based on the method of visual sociology called auto-photography (described by the Polish sociologist Piotr Sztompka). Within this method respondents take a concrete amount of photos related to a theme according to their personal perception and interpretation. The research is usually combined with questionnaires.
The main aim of this project is to find out how the Spirit of Place is perceived and interpreted by people from different parts of world and with different cultural backgrounds.
My project in Berlin consists of two parts:
Part A)
In Berlin I would like to use also the method of visual sociology. I plan to research space around mostly visited historical sites how is it used by people with different cultural backgrounds and how these people interact there between themselves and if it helps them to create positive connections. I plan to take photos and then analyse the collected material.
Part B)
As Berlin is the city with developed alternative artistic scene I plan also research this scene – street art- and how does it reflect multiculturalism in that city.
Additional information
Examples from research:
(Flavien)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 22
Nationality: French
Occupation: Student of History
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Klementinum, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 20/11/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
I am interested in this picture of Klementinum, because it represents the cultural sides of the place. Klementinum is a national library and in this place are many artworks, temporary or permanent. The building is massive and large but in these walls full of history is hidden a delicacy of culture and knowledge.
(Andrew)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 30
Nationality: American
Occupation: Teacher and Journalist
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Prague Castle, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 20/11/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
"Standing in Line at Zlata Ulicka"
Zlata Ulicka is without a doubt one of the most famous (and charming!) features of Prazsky hrad! As such it is also very popular with the tourists. Back when I visited Prague for the very first time in 1998, access to the alley was still free of charge and one could also see the little cute houses in full detail. As with all things related to mass tourism, that changed over time, and now there is normally a price of admission to be paid for entrance. The image of all the tourists properly lining up to show their tickets to the policeman standing next to the iconic and also very touristic little guard-house, is quite representative of the general transition that Prague and Prague Castle have made as tourist destinations. While Zlata Ulicka certainly is worth a few Crowns and hence the price of admission, and maintaining and preserving Prague Castle costs a lot of money, there still seems something ideologically wrong with placing a price on the alley. The picture shows how Prague Castle has become both a place of culture and commerce.
(František)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 27
Nationality: Czech
Occupation: Student of Music
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Charles bridge, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 20/12/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
The spirit of place of Charles Bridge appears in three different plains and all these plains are caught in this photo: 1) river, blocks against the ice, birds, 2) construction of Charles bridge and it´s characteristic shape, arches, patterns of stones, protective pillars against the ice, 3) people, who do something on the bridge - unfortunately usually they are caricaturists or marketeers who want to earn as much as possible from tourism. There are also a lot of beautiful details: paving, sculpture, lamps.
(Tadeuš)
Questionnaire:
Personal information:
Sex: male
Age: 29
Nationality: Czech
Occupation: Student / Teacher
Name of chosen UNESCO site, city, country: Klementinum, Prague, Czech Republic
Date of research: 15/11/2008
Comment on chosen photograph:
The office in the vestibule is a famous place for all university students in Prague. Students from different disciplines meet here. It´s a suitable place for searching in the library funds, having a short rest or getting to know other people. I usually meet here a lot of my colleagues or peers. Students and Klementinum for many years have belonged together. In the atmosphere of old Jesuit wisdom, this hall always appeals more as office. Its appeal is like old and yellowed civil architecture from the early 20th century. I like this place because of that. It breathes on me a dream about a period when any free research and creation will be available for everybody because of a prevailing free time, when this place will be perceived as reader´s place, and when people can freely decide where they want to read a book. During any pause they will be able to share with others their love and passion for books.
Denitsa Ruseva - The Turkish community in Kreuzberg, Berlin
"Kreuzberg is a kind of biotope where different nationalities live, but the environment determines their lives, not their nationalities."
I decided to make a small research of the Turks in Kreuzberg, Berlin, because the story of the “Gastarbeiters” is very interesting for me. I know, that so much is written and spoken about them, that this is like a “cliche”, when we talk about integration and ethnic problems. But I don’t have my personal experience in this field and the problems with the Turks in my country are on different level.
In the 70’s Kreuzberg was an isolated corner, known as one of the poorest quarters in West Berlin, squeezed along a far circumference of the wall where ''guest workers'' from Turkey found places to live. This district is known as “Little Istanbul” for its large concentration of Turkish immigrants and their German-born families. After the fall of the wall Kreuzberg turned to one of Berlin's cultural centers in the middle of the reunified city. Now 40 years later this is an emblematic place for art, culture, contemporary art galleries and night life. The city-district has become known for its bohemian way of life. Today, you can walk through the neighborhood and spot trendy bars and outdoor cafes existing side by side with traditional Turkish bakeries and small shops. Walking on the cobblestone streets along historic apartment buildings gives you a little sense of what the area was like before World War II.
Since 2001 Kreuzberg is a part of the combined Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg borough located south of Mitte. It’ s interesting, that in 2006 31.6% of Kreuzberg's inhabitants did not have German citizenship. While the neighborhood thrives on its diverse culture and is still an attractive area for many, the district is also characterized by high levels of unemployment and some of the lowest average incomes in Berlin.
I have never been there, but I’m very interested what happens there nowadays. I’m full of questions: How does the symbiosis between the West and the Orient exist and what happens with this first generation of migrants? Are they still living there and how - as anachronism or as integrated part of this changing place? How visible they are and how much they want to be visible? Is the second/third generation of them part of this “modern art”/underground life or even made it happen?
At first sight I imagine my work as research of the inhabitants in one building. I plan it as dissection of the place with the photography as a main tool. Interior portraits with an interviews with this people or short description of their life.
For example – there is a famous punk club, or modern art gallery or Turks who sell döner kebap on the ground floor and on the next floors in strange harmony are living different types of people – students, Turks families, other migrants… Or, I could find a building where different generation of Turks are living together – everyone with his/her rituals in the everyday life. I imagine that some guys are “gangsta” hip-hoppers on the street, but because of their religion and patriarchal relations they respect the most the oldest man in the community. I see this on the movies, but this could be very different in the German reality. This second generation of the Turks immigrants grew up speaking German in school and Turkish at home. Life in two dimentions – the language determinates the behaviour models in and out of home.
The easier possibility is to make a study on a single lively street . This way the research is on a horizontal, not on vertical level. And the idea is the same – how the different generations and genders of the Turks live together with the others. I’m sure, that some of the old Turks live only in the territory of the neighborhood, where they develop local patriotism and identify themselves with this place, where they feel completely integrated.
It’s strange to write about something, you have never seen or places, you have never been. I don’t know how close my idea is to the reality in this Berlin neighborhood. But also it is difficult to make a profound observation of the topic, because of the short time of the project. For the above ideas I need time to gain the trust of these people. That’s why I decided to come a few days earlier and during the project to live in Kreuzberg and to feel the spirit of this emblematic place.
As a photographer I imagine my work more as visual research during the project, part of the collaboration with another answears-seeker… I know that we will work in small groups, so we could transform our ideas in something new.
I decided to make a small research of the Turks in Kreuzberg, Berlin, because the story of the “Gastarbeiters” is very interesting for me. I know, that so much is written and spoken about them, that this is like a “cliche”, when we talk about integration and ethnic problems. But I don’t have my personal experience in this field and the problems with the Turks in my country are on different level.
In the 70’s Kreuzberg was an isolated corner, known as one of the poorest quarters in West Berlin, squeezed along a far circumference of the wall where ''guest workers'' from Turkey found places to live. This district is known as “Little Istanbul” for its large concentration of Turkish immigrants and their German-born families. After the fall of the wall Kreuzberg turned to one of Berlin's cultural centers in the middle of the reunified city. Now 40 years later this is an emblematic place for art, culture, contemporary art galleries and night life. The city-district has become known for its bohemian way of life. Today, you can walk through the neighborhood and spot trendy bars and outdoor cafes existing side by side with traditional Turkish bakeries and small shops. Walking on the cobblestone streets along historic apartment buildings gives you a little sense of what the area was like before World War II.
Since 2001 Kreuzberg is a part of the combined Friedrichshain-Kreuzberg borough located south of Mitte. It’ s interesting, that in 2006 31.6% of Kreuzberg's inhabitants did not have German citizenship. While the neighborhood thrives on its diverse culture and is still an attractive area for many, the district is also characterized by high levels of unemployment and some of the lowest average incomes in Berlin.
I have never been there, but I’m very interested what happens there nowadays. I’m full of questions: How does the symbiosis between the West and the Orient exist and what happens with this first generation of migrants? Are they still living there and how - as anachronism or as integrated part of this changing place? How visible they are and how much they want to be visible? Is the second/third generation of them part of this “modern art”/underground life or even made it happen?
At first sight I imagine my work as research of the inhabitants in one building. I plan it as dissection of the place with the photography as a main tool. Interior portraits with an interviews with this people or short description of their life.
For example – there is a famous punk club, or modern art gallery or Turks who sell döner kebap on the ground floor and on the next floors in strange harmony are living different types of people – students, Turks families, other migrants… Or, I could find a building where different generation of Turks are living together – everyone with his/her rituals in the everyday life. I imagine that some guys are “gangsta” hip-hoppers on the street, but because of their religion and patriarchal relations they respect the most the oldest man in the community. I see this on the movies, but this could be very different in the German reality. This second generation of the Turks immigrants grew up speaking German in school and Turkish at home. Life in two dimentions – the language determinates the behaviour models in and out of home.
The easier possibility is to make a study on a single lively street . This way the research is on a horizontal, not on vertical level. And the idea is the same – how the different generations and genders of the Turks live together with the others. I’m sure, that some of the old Turks live only in the territory of the neighborhood, where they develop local patriotism and identify themselves with this place, where they feel completely integrated.
It’s strange to write about something, you have never seen or places, you have never been. I don’t know how close my idea is to the reality in this Berlin neighborhood. But also it is difficult to make a profound observation of the topic, because of the short time of the project. For the above ideas I need time to gain the trust of these people. That’s why I decided to come a few days earlier and during the project to live in Kreuzberg and to feel the spirit of this emblematic place.
As a photographer I imagine my work more as visual research during the project, part of the collaboration with another answears-seeker… I know that we will work in small groups, so we could transform our ideas in something new.
May 3, 2010
Ian Cook, Alexandra Szoke - Beware of the Stag
A British man on his stag party in 2007 managed to gain the attention of two Slovak police officers. He was apparently bollock-naked in a fountain in downtown Bratislava in the small hours of the morning and, according to some sources, having a wank. After asking the man to exit the fountain and dress, the officers arrested him. A night in the cells and a fast-track court procedure later, and the young gentlemen was facing a two-month spell inside, a sentence which would have resulted in him missing his 20,000 pound wedding. Luckily for him and his wife-to-be, leniency prevailed and he was released on time, flew back to England and began a much longer and more severe sentence than the Slovaks could ever have dreamed of. Newspapers in the UK and Slovakia revelled in self-righteous ingloriousness of it all.
The headline-making wanker in the fountain was part of what is now a declining trend for British men to travel to Bratislava for their stag parties. The event, also known as a bachelor's party outside of the UK, is a traditional occasion for flexing freedom's last muscles with a hedonistic mix of booze and boobs. Cheap flights and relative economic wealth has been identified by the media as the main reason behind the rise in popularity of eastern European destinations amongst those in search of a stag destination. There is also no doubt much to be gleaned from scraping the bottom of the gender-studies' barrel to construct sophisticated explanations about why men like to get drunk and have their faces pressed into a naked bosoms. Neither of these however is the subject of my research. I am rather more interested in the relationship between the stag and the city, why it garners so much anger amongst the local population, why usually money-hungry pubs shut their doors and why a naked man in a fountain caused such a news-paper worthy story. But also why Bratislava continues to draw tourists in spite of the hostility, why eastern European cities continue to have a certain draw.
I argue that it is all a matter of a clash of rhythms. The diverse rhythms of a city that are interrupted by the one-off rhythms of the stag. The slow-burning life-long rhythms of marriage and kids are engulfed by the two-day binge of stings-free enjoyment. As the stag parties come to be a regular part of the city, they become an overtly noticeable rhythm to be curtailed and constrained. A rhythm that disrupts the quiet humdrum of small city life, simultaneously is a rhythm that brings excitement.
Theoretical Interlude: Ešte Jedno Pivo vs. The Pub Crawl
According to the Henri Lefebvre in his book Rhythmanalysis: Space, Time, and Everyday Life, nothing in the world is inert; everything is moving; from people to flows of capital, from stones to buildings. Some things are moving very slowly and others are moving very quickly – but they are all moving; they all have a rhythm. This conception of rhythms is a little different from the common understanding of what constitutes a rhythm; for Lefebvre, a rhythm is produced through a dialectical triad of space, time and energy: whenever there is a meeting of time, space and energy there is a rhythm. There are two basic oppositions of rhythms: “repetition and difference; mechanical and organic; discovery and creation; cyclical and linear; continuous and discontinuous; quantitative and qualitative . . .” (p.9) Though we can separate out these two categories when we analyse them, the world is made up of innumerable interactions between the two. The cyclical rhythms of days and nights, lunar cycles and seasons continually clash with the liner rhythms of everyday grind, monotony of repeated actions and brutal repetition. Whereas the cyclical is refreshing and renewing, the linear is exhausting, gruelling and arduous. Whereas dawn brings replenishment, a city’s traffic induces unease. From here it is possible to analyse rhythms in terms of: a) repetition (movements, gestures, actions, situations, differences); b) interferences of linear processes and cyclical processes; and c) lifespan, i.e. birth, growth, peak, decline and end (p. 15). In sum: the world is made up of a collection of (time-space-energy) rhythms, these rhythms are either cyclical or linear (or their corresponding categories) and can be analysed in terms of their repetitiveness, interferences and lifespans.
If we can imagine the city as such, we can move beyond the 'spatial turn' in the social sciences to embrace temporality as an equal alongside spatiality. The stag party is not only abhorrent in the eyes of local city-dwellers because it is an invasion of their city space – be in fountain, favourite bar or woman's dignity. It is also detested because of its short and violent interruption to the times of the city, times that appear in material forms in bus schedules, market days, student holidays and working patterns. The short, obnoxious and violent rhythm disturbs.
The city's rhythms used to part for the stag in a Moses-like fashion, with Western money opening bars' doors and girls' legs. Yet this is a rhythm that Bratislava was too proud or too small to accommodate. The city said no. However, though in increasingly diminished numbers in Bratislava, eastern European cities still retain a unique draw for the pre-married British male. It is a mix of danger and unknown with cheapness and availability. The desire for the sense of liminality that arises out of the spatial and temporal dislocation. Out of time and out of space – away from the married future and the domestic cocoon.
Methodology and Output
I plan to make a short (around 15 minutes) film of the interactions between the rhythms of the city and how they mould, play with and reject the rhythms of the stag; between the rhythms of the stag and his cohorts and how this moulds, plays and accepts them. Film is an appropriate medium (though text would also be conducive, although in a very different manner) to capture the clash of movements. Concretely, I plan to make a number of 'talking head' interviews about the issue of stag parties in the city and combine them with images of stags in action amongst the city's other rhythms. Possible interviewees include: stag party organisers (company owners and guides), 'disgruntled locals', bar owners who are anti-stag, British embassy representatives, journalists who covered the story, stag party attendees, people who benefit from the stags. In terms of images, I still need some more conceptual work (it's my weakest point, I've only ever made one film before). I don't want to create something that could easily be from a tabloid (which would be easy and soon as I spot a tourist throwing up in the street, or dancing naked through the city centre) nor something boring with lots of talking.
The headline-making wanker in the fountain was part of what is now a declining trend for British men to travel to Bratislava for their stag parties. The event, also known as a bachelor's party outside of the UK, is a traditional occasion for flexing freedom's last muscles with a hedonistic mix of booze and boobs. Cheap flights and relative economic wealth has been identified by the media as the main reason behind the rise in popularity of eastern European destinations amongst those in search of a stag destination. There is also no doubt much to be gleaned from scraping the bottom of the gender-studies' barrel to construct sophisticated explanations about why men like to get drunk and have their faces pressed into a naked bosoms. Neither of these however is the subject of my research. I am rather more interested in the relationship between the stag and the city, why it garners so much anger amongst the local population, why usually money-hungry pubs shut their doors and why a naked man in a fountain caused such a news-paper worthy story. But also why Bratislava continues to draw tourists in spite of the hostility, why eastern European cities continue to have a certain draw.
I argue that it is all a matter of a clash of rhythms. The diverse rhythms of a city that are interrupted by the one-off rhythms of the stag. The slow-burning life-long rhythms of marriage and kids are engulfed by the two-day binge of stings-free enjoyment. As the stag parties come to be a regular part of the city, they become an overtly noticeable rhythm to be curtailed and constrained. A rhythm that disrupts the quiet humdrum of small city life, simultaneously is a rhythm that brings excitement.
Theoretical Interlude: Ešte Jedno Pivo vs. The Pub Crawl
According to the Henri Lefebvre in his book Rhythmanalysis: Space, Time, and Everyday Life, nothing in the world is inert; everything is moving; from people to flows of capital, from stones to buildings. Some things are moving very slowly and others are moving very quickly – but they are all moving; they all have a rhythm. This conception of rhythms is a little different from the common understanding of what constitutes a rhythm; for Lefebvre, a rhythm is produced through a dialectical triad of space, time and energy: whenever there is a meeting of time, space and energy there is a rhythm. There are two basic oppositions of rhythms: “repetition and difference; mechanical and organic; discovery and creation; cyclical and linear; continuous and discontinuous; quantitative and qualitative . . .” (p.9) Though we can separate out these two categories when we analyse them, the world is made up of innumerable interactions between the two. The cyclical rhythms of days and nights, lunar cycles and seasons continually clash with the liner rhythms of everyday grind, monotony of repeated actions and brutal repetition. Whereas the cyclical is refreshing and renewing, the linear is exhausting, gruelling and arduous. Whereas dawn brings replenishment, a city’s traffic induces unease. From here it is possible to analyse rhythms in terms of: a) repetition (movements, gestures, actions, situations, differences); b) interferences of linear processes and cyclical processes; and c) lifespan, i.e. birth, growth, peak, decline and end (p. 15). In sum: the world is made up of a collection of (time-space-energy) rhythms, these rhythms are either cyclical or linear (or their corresponding categories) and can be analysed in terms of their repetitiveness, interferences and lifespans.
If we can imagine the city as such, we can move beyond the 'spatial turn' in the social sciences to embrace temporality as an equal alongside spatiality. The stag party is not only abhorrent in the eyes of local city-dwellers because it is an invasion of their city space – be in fountain, favourite bar or woman's dignity. It is also detested because of its short and violent interruption to the times of the city, times that appear in material forms in bus schedules, market days, student holidays and working patterns. The short, obnoxious and violent rhythm disturbs.
The city's rhythms used to part for the stag in a Moses-like fashion, with Western money opening bars' doors and girls' legs. Yet this is a rhythm that Bratislava was too proud or too small to accommodate. The city said no. However, though in increasingly diminished numbers in Bratislava, eastern European cities still retain a unique draw for the pre-married British male. It is a mix of danger and unknown with cheapness and availability. The desire for the sense of liminality that arises out of the spatial and temporal dislocation. Out of time and out of space – away from the married future and the domestic cocoon.
Methodology and Output
I plan to make a short (around 15 minutes) film of the interactions between the rhythms of the city and how they mould, play with and reject the rhythms of the stag; between the rhythms of the stag and his cohorts and how this moulds, plays and accepts them. Film is an appropriate medium (though text would also be conducive, although in a very different manner) to capture the clash of movements. Concretely, I plan to make a number of 'talking head' interviews about the issue of stag parties in the city and combine them with images of stags in action amongst the city's other rhythms. Possible interviewees include: stag party organisers (company owners and guides), 'disgruntled locals', bar owners who are anti-stag, British embassy representatives, journalists who covered the story, stag party attendees, people who benefit from the stags. In terms of images, I still need some more conceptual work (it's my weakest point, I've only ever made one film before). I don't want to create something that could easily be from a tabloid (which would be easy and soon as I spot a tourist throwing up in the street, or dancing naked through the city centre) nor something boring with lots of talking.
Preliminary programme of European City seminars 2010 – Ethnicity in the City (Bratislava and Vienna)
Friday 14.5.2010
Address of hotel: City Hostel, Obchodná 38, 811 06 Bratislava, www.cityhostel.sk
15:15, Meeting at the reception of the hotel (optional)
Venue: Inštitút pre verejné otázky, Baštová 5, 811 03 Bratislava
16.00 – 16.15, Presentation of the idea of research-seminars (Ondřej Daniel, Multicultural centre Prague)
16.15 – 17.00, Short presentation of the participants and advisors
17.00 – 18.00, Presentations of Keynote Speakers
Michal Vašečka, PhD, Centre for Research of Ethnicity and Culture, Bratislava
Paul Scheibelhofer, Vienna University
18.00 – 18.30, Discussion about the presentations
18.30 – 19.30, Logistics: division into the research groups
19.30, Welcome dinner
22.00, City walk (optional)
Saturday 15.5.2010
Venue: Inštitút pre verejné otázky, Baštová 5, 811 03 Bratislava
9.00 – 12.00, Discussion about the research projects with advisors
12.00, Leaving IVO and start of research
Trains to Bruck an der Leitha from Bratislava-Petržalka (5 minutes by bus lines 91 and 191 from Novy Most, New Bridge) at 16:34, 18:34, 20:34 and 22:41 (arrival to Bruck at 17:03, 19:03, 21:03 and 23:10)
Address of hotel: Hotel Ungarische Krone, Parndorferstraße I., 2460 Bruckneudorf, http://www.ungarischekrone.com/index2.html
19.00 – 21.00, Consultations in the hotel (optional)
Overnight in Bruck an der Leitha.
Sunday 16.5.2010
Trains from Bruck an der Leitha to Bratislava: 7:32, 9:38, 11:38, 13:38
Trains from Bruck an der Leitha to Vienna: 7:55 – 9:44 (every cca 15 minutes), 10:37-11:44 (every cca 15 minutes), 12:37 – 13:44 (every cca 15 minutes)
10.00 – 19.00, Research project – whole day.
Last train from Wien Südbahnhof Ostbahn at 0:49
Last train from Bratislava – Petržalka at 22:41
19.00 – 21.00, Consultations in the hotel (optional)
Overnight in Bruck an der Leitha.
Monday 17.5.2010
10.00 – 17.00, Research project – whole day.
17:00, meeting at the reception of the hotel (optional)
17:37, train to Vienna
Address of hotel: Etap Hotel Wien Sankt Marx, Franzosengraben 15, 1030 Wien, Austria, http://vienna.nethotels.com/english/etap
21.00, City Walk in Vienna (optional)
Overnight in Vienna.
Tuesday 18.5.2010
8:00, meeting at the reception of the hotel (optional)
Venue: RSKS Österreichisch-Slowakischer Kulturverein, Rakúsko-slovenský kultúrny spolok, Otto-Bauer-Gasse 23/11, 1060 Wien, http://www.slovaci.at/kontakt.html
9.00 – 12.00, Short individual presentations of each participant from a research, advisors´comments
12.00 – 13:00, Follow-up activities, sustainibility
Address of hotel: City Hostel, Obchodná 38, 811 06 Bratislava, www.cityhostel.sk
15:15, Meeting at the reception of the hotel (optional)
Venue: Inštitút pre verejné otázky, Baštová 5, 811 03 Bratislava
16.00 – 16.15, Presentation of the idea of research-seminars (Ondřej Daniel, Multicultural centre Prague)
16.15 – 17.00, Short presentation of the participants and advisors
17.00 – 18.00, Presentations of Keynote Speakers
Michal Vašečka, PhD, Centre for Research of Ethnicity and Culture, Bratislava
Paul Scheibelhofer, Vienna University
18.00 – 18.30, Discussion about the presentations
18.30 – 19.30, Logistics: division into the research groups
19.30, Welcome dinner
22.00, City walk (optional)
Saturday 15.5.2010
Venue: Inštitút pre verejné otázky, Baštová 5, 811 03 Bratislava
9.00 – 12.00, Discussion about the research projects with advisors
12.00, Leaving IVO and start of research
Trains to Bruck an der Leitha from Bratislava-Petržalka (5 minutes by bus lines 91 and 191 from Novy Most, New Bridge) at 16:34, 18:34, 20:34 and 22:41 (arrival to Bruck at 17:03, 19:03, 21:03 and 23:10)
Address of hotel: Hotel Ungarische Krone, Parndorferstraße I., 2460 Bruckneudorf, http://www.ungarischekrone.com/index2.html
19.00 – 21.00, Consultations in the hotel (optional)
Overnight in Bruck an der Leitha.
Sunday 16.5.2010
Trains from Bruck an der Leitha to Bratislava: 7:32, 9:38, 11:38, 13:38
Trains from Bruck an der Leitha to Vienna: 7:55 – 9:44 (every cca 15 minutes), 10:37-11:44 (every cca 15 minutes), 12:37 – 13:44 (every cca 15 minutes)
10.00 – 19.00, Research project – whole day.
Last train from Wien Südbahnhof Ostbahn at 0:49
Last train from Bratislava – Petržalka at 22:41
19.00 – 21.00, Consultations in the hotel (optional)
Overnight in Bruck an der Leitha.
Monday 17.5.2010
10.00 – 17.00, Research project – whole day.
17:00, meeting at the reception of the hotel (optional)
17:37, train to Vienna
Address of hotel: Etap Hotel Wien Sankt Marx, Franzosengraben 15, 1030 Wien, Austria, http://vienna.nethotels.com/english/etap
21.00, City Walk in Vienna (optional)
Overnight in Vienna.
Tuesday 18.5.2010
8:00, meeting at the reception of the hotel (optional)
Venue: RSKS Österreichisch-Slowakischer Kulturverein, Rakúsko-slovenský kultúrny spolok, Otto-Bauer-Gasse 23/11, 1060 Wien, http://www.slovaci.at/kontakt.html
9.00 – 12.00, Short individual presentations of each participant from a research, advisors´comments
12.00 – 13:00, Follow-up activities, sustainibility
Apr 26, 2010
Miroslava Hlincikova - (In)visible migrants – Vietnamese in Bratislava
Compared with other adjacent countries in Slovakia there is still a relatively small number of foreigners. According to the latest survey of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Migration trends and situation in the area of migration in the Slovak Republic the share of foreigners to the total population is only one percent (approximately 52 000 foreigners). Is spite of it the number of foreigners coming to Slovakia is growing. Urban space attracts migrants with its variety of work oppurtunities and possibilities of earnings.
Vietnamese are one of the more numerous and relatively new immigrant groups in Slovakia. They started to arrive at Slovakia in the 1970s and their number is constantly growing as they have already formed a relatively stabile „migration bridge“ between Slovakia and Vietnam. Vietnamese traders and Vietnamese restaurants have become a part of the urban space of Slovak towns and cities. Although Vietnamese community seems isolated their entrepreneurial activities are oriented to the constant interaction with majority population. Since in Slovakia there is no form of support for individual immigrant groups which must then mainly rely upon their own social networks and assistance sources in acquisition of information. That is one of the reasons why Vietnamese in Bratislava mainly concentrate at the lodging house on the Nobelova street in Nové mesto, open-air markets (Miletičova) and in Vajnory.
During seminar I would like to pay specific attention to the integration strategies of Vietnamese migrants in Bratislava. Each of migrants’ communities has elected a sligtly different strategy for adapting to the urban enviroment. The particular strategies that have been chosen range from that of the labour-migration to multicultural and incorporative strategies. I would like to answer the question what strategies do they elect and how do they interact with majority population. Using qualitative in-depth interviews and method of participant observation I will investigate their everyday life and interactions at their work in restaurants and markets in Bratislava.
Vietnamese are one of the more numerous and relatively new immigrant groups in Slovakia. They started to arrive at Slovakia in the 1970s and their number is constantly growing as they have already formed a relatively stabile „migration bridge“ between Slovakia and Vietnam. Vietnamese traders and Vietnamese restaurants have become a part of the urban space of Slovak towns and cities. Although Vietnamese community seems isolated their entrepreneurial activities are oriented to the constant interaction with majority population. Since in Slovakia there is no form of support for individual immigrant groups which must then mainly rely upon their own social networks and assistance sources in acquisition of information. That is one of the reasons why Vietnamese in Bratislava mainly concentrate at the lodging house on the Nobelova street in Nové mesto, open-air markets (Miletičova) and in Vajnory.
During seminar I would like to pay specific attention to the integration strategies of Vietnamese migrants in Bratislava. Each of migrants’ communities has elected a sligtly different strategy for adapting to the urban enviroment. The particular strategies that have been chosen range from that of the labour-migration to multicultural and incorporative strategies. I would like to answer the question what strategies do they elect and how do they interact with majority population. Using qualitative in-depth interviews and method of participant observation I will investigate their everyday life and interactions at their work in restaurants and markets in Bratislava.
Alexandra Ďurčová, Migrant workers as source of new ethnic stereotypes - The case of Slovak caregivers in Austria
The general research topic is a social categorisation process and conditions that determine stereotyping of essencialised and non-essencialised social groups. With the basic premise about ethnicity not being an inner quality but a socialy constructed category, the project focuses on the impacts of growing migration and a new multicultural face of european cities on conceptualisation of ethnic groups within the interactive urban environment. The transfornmation of the ethnic structure of the city and new ways of coexistence result in transformations in perceiving the others and thus creating new kinds stereotyping patterns. The aim of this project is to investigate the principles of categorization and stereotyping in case of Slovak caregivers in Vienna.
In the last decade, the position of a caregiver in Austrian households has gone through signifficant changes. In contrast to common status of migrant workers who are often perceived in a negative way by the citizens due to their “foreignness”, there is a growing demand for caregivers resulting from the current population trends in Austria. While at the beginning of 2000’s “pendling”(work practice including regular moving from Slovakia to Austria in one-week or two-week periods) was a “not so visible” working practice common especially in western parts of Slovakia near Austrian border, it is now a whole country phenomena. It became a distinct profession organized by specialized agencies. Two years ago, it was officially recognized work position by the Austrian government and it is now being incorporated into the social system of the both countries.
What are the categorization principles in this specific reciprocal relation and how are they interconnected with other dimensions of increased migration and change of ethnic structure of the city of Vienna? Interviewing the Slovak caregivers in Austrian families in Bratislava and Vienna, we will try to find some answers to the stated question.
In the last decade, the position of a caregiver in Austrian households has gone through signifficant changes. In contrast to common status of migrant workers who are often perceived in a negative way by the citizens due to their “foreignness”, there is a growing demand for caregivers resulting from the current population trends in Austria. While at the beginning of 2000’s “pendling”(work practice including regular moving from Slovakia to Austria in one-week or two-week periods) was a “not so visible” working practice common especially in western parts of Slovakia near Austrian border, it is now a whole country phenomena. It became a distinct profession organized by specialized agencies. Two years ago, it was officially recognized work position by the Austrian government and it is now being incorporated into the social system of the both countries.
What are the categorization principles in this specific reciprocal relation and how are they interconnected with other dimensions of increased migration and change of ethnic structure of the city of Vienna? Interviewing the Slovak caregivers in Austrian families in Bratislava and Vienna, we will try to find some answers to the stated question.
Apr 23, 2010
Felix Jeschke - Tourism in Bratislava
In my experience, Bratislava does not have a good reputation among the Central European city tourists. Used to the Baroque splendour, old-world charm or exciting cosmopolitanism of cities such as Vienna, Prague, Kraków or Budapest, most must be disappointed by Bratislava’s tiny – if pretty – centre, and such disfiguring elements as a four-lane motorway running right through it and onto the main bridge over the Danube (appropriately unimaginatively, one might say, named Nový Most). For many international tourists who “do” both Vienna and Bratislava, the cities must seem like two unlikely siblings, despite their long and close cultural, economic and infrastructural links. In the popular consciousness of many, Vienna arguably represents the multicultural history of the Habsburg Empire, colourful and somewhat morbid; Bratislava is often represented as a relict of socialism, interesting only because of the greyness symbolized by the view of Petržalka from the top of the “UFO tower.”
Based on some work I have been doing on the the notion of the German tourist in Prague, I will research the tourist discourses in Bratislava. Twenty years after the ‘Changes,’ it has become a significant tourist attraction. In a 2007 rankings, Bratislava was the 150th most popular city destination in the world with 500,000 visitors, ahead of famous architectural pearls such as Oxford and Dubrovnik.1 My previous experience of travelling to Bratislava suggests that the official tourism bodies are following the general trend to portray state socialism as a historical aberration, and hark back to the Habsburg and inter-war periods in the tourist presentation of their city (that the little sightseeing train was named Prešporáčik is a case in point). This touristic presentation thus clashes with the image of ‘grey socialist Bratislava’ outlined above. It also includes an effort to touristically align Bratislava with Vienna in order to make it into the “Little Big City” its official motto proclaims – the little Habsburg brother of Vienna. For my piece, I will further investigate tourist publications to see whether my impression can be substantiated. Most of my research will be taken up by interviewing tourists in the streets of the Old Town, in order to see what their motivations were to come (including whether it is a free-standing trip or if are they visiting the city as part of a bigger tour), what places they have been visiting, what their general impression of the city is and if it has been changed by the visit.
I hope that this research might tell us more about the image of Bratislava perpetuated at home and abroad. In the study of ‘ethnicity,’ it is often forgotten that tourists form by far the largest contingent of non-Slovaks in Bratislava, and also the most visible one. Personally, I disagree with both notions of Bratislava mentioned here: neither the disparaging foregrounding of its socialist architecture nor a false evocation of pre-war history does this fascinating city any justice. It could be said that in urban discourses, the discourse of tourism forms a mainstream; however, this mainstream can only be criticized if one studies it.
Based on some work I have been doing on the the notion of the German tourist in Prague, I will research the tourist discourses in Bratislava. Twenty years after the ‘Changes,’ it has become a significant tourist attraction. In a 2007 rankings, Bratislava was the 150th most popular city destination in the world with 500,000 visitors, ahead of famous architectural pearls such as Oxford and Dubrovnik.1 My previous experience of travelling to Bratislava suggests that the official tourism bodies are following the general trend to portray state socialism as a historical aberration, and hark back to the Habsburg and inter-war periods in the tourist presentation of their city (that the little sightseeing train was named Prešporáčik is a case in point). This touristic presentation thus clashes with the image of ‘grey socialist Bratislava’ outlined above. It also includes an effort to touristically align Bratislava with Vienna in order to make it into the “Little Big City” its official motto proclaims – the little Habsburg brother of Vienna. For my piece, I will further investigate tourist publications to see whether my impression can be substantiated. Most of my research will be taken up by interviewing tourists in the streets of the Old Town, in order to see what their motivations were to come (including whether it is a free-standing trip or if are they visiting the city as part of a bigger tour), what places they have been visiting, what their general impression of the city is and if it has been changed by the visit.
I hope that this research might tell us more about the image of Bratislava perpetuated at home and abroad. In the study of ‘ethnicity,’ it is often forgotten that tourists form by far the largest contingent of non-Slovaks in Bratislava, and also the most visible one. Personally, I disagree with both notions of Bratislava mentioned here: neither the disparaging foregrounding of its socialist architecture nor a false evocation of pre-war history does this fascinating city any justice. It could be said that in urban discourses, the discourse of tourism forms a mainstream; however, this mainstream can only be criticized if one studies it.
Apr 22, 2010
Milena Migut - “Shadow of my former neighbor” – research on awareness of citizens of former Jewish districts of Bratislava and Vienna
While being in Bratislava and Vienna I am planning to contact people living in the former Jewish districts, to ask if they know about the Jewish heritage there and check, how the new citizens are influencing the post-Jewish parts of the city. Both Vienna and Bratislava had big and influential Jewish communities – Jews were highly integrated citizens, influencing city development and culture. Vienna’s Jewish population numbered more than 185,000 before 1938. Nowadays there are around 7000 Jews living in Vienna, most of them are Jewish refugees from the post Soviet countries. In 1930 the Jewish population in Bratislava numbered 14,882. Nowadays it doesn’t reach 1000.
In my research I’d like to ask people who live in the former Jewish neighborhoods (many of them have Arabic background), what they know about the history of the district and if there are any social/cultural actions focused on commemorating the former citizens (and not organized by the Jewish Community, but by the people living in post-Jewish houses). Some of the questions I’m going to ask are:
Why and when did you move into this district / house?
Do you know how old the house / district is?
Do you know, who was living here before you? Before the war?
Do you know your neighbors? Who are they? What nationality are they?
Do you know any places of Jewish heritage in your surrounding?
I would also like to check, how the external appearance of the former Jewish quarters is changed by the non-Jewish citizens nowadays. Besides writing an article I am planning to make a photo-reportage, consisting on pictures showing the former Jewish quarter.
If the people, who I will be asking, will allow for that, I would like to record their answers to make kind of multimedia report (with podcast and pictures) on the issue of consciousness of Jewish heritage in Bratislava and Vienna.
In my research I’d like to ask people who live in the former Jewish neighborhoods (many of them have Arabic background), what they know about the history of the district and if there are any social/cultural actions focused on commemorating the former citizens (and not organized by the Jewish Community, but by the people living in post-Jewish houses). Some of the questions I’m going to ask are:
Why and when did you move into this district / house?
Do you know how old the house / district is?
Do you know, who was living here before you? Before the war?
Do you know your neighbors? Who are they? What nationality are they?
Do you know any places of Jewish heritage in your surrounding?
I would also like to check, how the external appearance of the former Jewish quarters is changed by the non-Jewish citizens nowadays. Besides writing an article I am planning to make a photo-reportage, consisting on pictures showing the former Jewish quarter.
If the people, who I will be asking, will allow for that, I would like to record their answers to make kind of multimedia report (with podcast and pictures) on the issue of consciousness of Jewish heritage in Bratislava and Vienna.
Zuzana Nováková, Béla Soltész, The Dynamics of Ethnic Restructuration: "Ethnic" Spaces in Bratislava
Due to its strategic location on the crossroads of river and land routes, Bratislava has always been a meeting point of different cultures throughout history. Besides its Slovak heritage, it also keeps traces of German, Hungarian and Jewish cultural influence. After the fall of the Iron Curtain and Slovakia's independence the city underwent an economic restructuring process, industrial neighborhoods were torn down, new housing blocks were built, and newcomers of various European and Asian countries found a new home in Bratislava. Old and new minorities live together now with the city's majority Slovak population, constituting a colourful cultural mosaic. Our research would be focusing on the transformation of "ethnic" spaces that traditionally belonged to German, Hungarian or Jewish minorities to "non-ethnic" - that's to say, majority Slovak - spaces on one hand, and "non-ethnic" to "ethnic" - Chinese, Ukrainian, Western Expatriate - spaces on the other; focusing on retail shops, grocery stores, bars and restaurants. The aim of the research is to identify the common traits and the differences between these two contrary processes in Bratislava's history.
Our theoretical framework builds on Edna Bonacich’s concept of „middleman minorities” (see Bonacich: A Theory of Middleman Minorities, ASR, 1973) and on David Harvey’s notion of privatization as accumulation by dispossession (see Harvey: The New Imperialism, Oxfor University Press, 2003). The argument of our paper is as follows. First, we define the middleman minorities, i. e. those ethnic minorities that undertake an economic activity that is aimed at the majority of the population. Before World War II it was the aforementioned German, Hungarian and Jewish who excelled in such activities, while after Slovakia’s independence in 1993 a group of – mostly East Asian – immigrant small business owners played an important part in covering the population’s consumption needs that were left uncovered by the collapsing socialist way of distribution. Second, we argue that these two shifts in ethnic entrepreneurship are due to the overall systemic changes in the economy, and as such, they are parallel to the large transformations in the structure of the city. To prove these statements, we present two case studies on different urban locations in Bratislava.
1.A place that was an ethnic-run shop, restaurant or bar before WWII and was transformed to a large communist complex:
The Neurath ironmongery was a German family-run small department store residing in the city centre of Bratislava since the end of 18th century. Facade of this shop used to bear captions in German and Hungarian language, amended with Slovak translations since the emergence of Czechoslovakia in 1919. The building was torn down in restructuration of the square - to give place to Prior, one of the largest and most popular malls in the city centre, in the 1960s. At the former location of this house one finds today an empty, not clearly conceived space.
Location: Namestie SNP/ Spitalska/ Kamenne namestie
2.An ethnic-run place that was a large communist complex (factory, market hall) and that was transformed to a shop, bar or restaurant after 1993.
Complex of buildings constructed during the communist era on Mileticova street used to house several various retail stores which neighboured a fruit-and-vegetable market. Today they form a part of the Mileticova marketplace accomodating probably the biggest spacial concentration of emigrant-run small-scale shops in Slovakia. Various case studies can be picked up to illustrate transformations of this area.
Location: Mileticova ulica
Besides the description of the microhistory of these locations, we also propose to make a photo report that helps to visualize the two contrary processes that underwent the structural changes in the economic and political structure of Slovakia.
Our theoretical framework builds on Edna Bonacich’s concept of „middleman minorities” (see Bonacich: A Theory of Middleman Minorities, ASR, 1973) and on David Harvey’s notion of privatization as accumulation by dispossession (see Harvey: The New Imperialism, Oxfor University Press, 2003). The argument of our paper is as follows. First, we define the middleman minorities, i. e. those ethnic minorities that undertake an economic activity that is aimed at the majority of the population. Before World War II it was the aforementioned German, Hungarian and Jewish who excelled in such activities, while after Slovakia’s independence in 1993 a group of – mostly East Asian – immigrant small business owners played an important part in covering the population’s consumption needs that were left uncovered by the collapsing socialist way of distribution. Second, we argue that these two shifts in ethnic entrepreneurship are due to the overall systemic changes in the economy, and as such, they are parallel to the large transformations in the structure of the city. To prove these statements, we present two case studies on different urban locations in Bratislava.
1.A place that was an ethnic-run shop, restaurant or bar before WWII and was transformed to a large communist complex:
The Neurath ironmongery was a German family-run small department store residing in the city centre of Bratislava since the end of 18th century. Facade of this shop used to bear captions in German and Hungarian language, amended with Slovak translations since the emergence of Czechoslovakia in 1919. The building was torn down in restructuration of the square - to give place to Prior, one of the largest and most popular malls in the city centre, in the 1960s. At the former location of this house one finds today an empty, not clearly conceived space.
Location: Namestie SNP/ Spitalska/ Kamenne namestie
2.An ethnic-run place that was a large communist complex (factory, market hall) and that was transformed to a shop, bar or restaurant after 1993.
Complex of buildings constructed during the communist era on Mileticova street used to house several various retail stores which neighboured a fruit-and-vegetable market. Today they form a part of the Mileticova marketplace accomodating probably the biggest spacial concentration of emigrant-run small-scale shops in Slovakia. Various case studies can be picked up to illustrate transformations of this area.
Location: Mileticova ulica
Besides the description of the microhistory of these locations, we also propose to make a photo report that helps to visualize the two contrary processes that underwent the structural changes in the economic and political structure of Slovakia.
Apr 13, 2010
European City seminars 2010 – Ethnicity in the City (Ostrava and Krakow) Preliminary programme
Friday 16.4.2010
Check-in at Penzion Sokolská, Sokolská třída 131, Ostrava (very close to the train station Ostrava hl.n.: http://www.penziony.cz/ostrava/penzion-sokolska/#)
Meeting at the reception of Penzion Sokolská: 16:00
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; from Stadion Bazaly 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right across the street.
16:30, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
17:00, Presentation of the idea of research-seminars (Ondřej Daniel, MKC Praha)
17:15, Short presentation of the participants and advisors
18:00, Guest-speaker 1 (Kumar Vishwanathan, Vzájemné soužití, Roma NGO, Ostrava)
18:30, Guest-speaker 2 (Dominika Kasprowicz, Political Science, University of Krakow)
19:00, Guest-speaker 3 (Kateřina Sidiropulu Janků, Cultural Geography, University of Brno)
19:30, Discussion
20:00, Dinner
22:00, City Walk
Saturday 17.4.2010
Check-out, meeting at the reception of Pension Sokolská: 9:30
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right
10:00, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
10:00, Presentations of the research-projects, first part (5 minutes per person)
11:30, Advisors´ comments to the first part of the research-projects
12:30, Lunch
13:30, Presentations of the research-projects, second part (5 minutes per person)
14:30, Advisors´ comments to the second part of the research-projects
15:30, Krakow research group travels to the railway station; Ostrava research-group will check-in at Hotel Safari and will start the research
17:05, Ostrava hl.n., EC 102 Polonia – 18:50 (Katowice) – 18:55, TLK 83110 – Krakow Gl. – 20:48
Krakow-research group will check in at Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego.
Sunday 18.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Monday 19.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Vyšní Lhoty, Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Tuesday 20.4.2010
Research in Krakow agglomeration:
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Ostrava research-group will take the train to get to Krakow:
11:05, EC 104 Sobieski – 12:50 (Katowice) – 12:55, TLK 7310 – Krakow Gl. – 14:48
Villa Decius, ul. 28 Lipca 1943 roku 17 A, 30-233 Krakow, http://www.villa.org.pl/mapa.htm
Check-in of the Ostrava research-group (Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego)
16:30 – Presentation of the research results, first part
19:00 – Advisors´ comments
20:00 – Dinner
22:00 – City Walk
Wednesday 21.4.2010
8:30 – Presentation of the research results, second part
11:00 – Advisors´ comments
12:00 – Lunch (also take-away)
13:00 – Departures
Check-in at Penzion Sokolská, Sokolská třída 131, Ostrava (very close to the train station Ostrava hl.n.: http://www.penziony.cz/ostrava/penzion-sokolska/#)
Meeting at the reception of Penzion Sokolská: 16:00
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; from Stadion Bazaly 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right across the street.
16:30, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
17:00, Presentation of the idea of research-seminars (Ondřej Daniel, MKC Praha)
17:15, Short presentation of the participants and advisors
18:00, Guest-speaker 1 (Kumar Vishwanathan, Vzájemné soužití, Roma NGO, Ostrava)
18:30, Guest-speaker 2 (Dominika Kasprowicz, Political Science, University of Krakow)
19:00, Guest-speaker 3 (Kateřina Sidiropulu Janků, Cultural Geography, University of Brno)
19:30, Discussion
20:00, Dinner
22:00, City Walk
Saturday 17.4.2010
Check-out, meeting at the reception of Pension Sokolská: 9:30
Trolleybus 101/106/108, every 2/3 minutes direction Michálkovice/Důl Heřmanice/Sokola Tůmy, 10 minutes to Stadion Bazaly, 13,- CZK ticket; 10 minutes walk: down the hill the main street (Českobratrská), to the right down to Dědičná street, until the main street (Bohumínská) – Hotel Safari is at the right
10:00, Restaurant of Hotel Safari, Bohumínská 67/1139, 702 00 Slezská Ostrava – Kamenec, http://www.mapy.cz/#st=s@sss=1@ssq=id%3Apremise%202035639
10:00, Presentations of the research-projects, first part (5 minutes per person)
11:30, Advisors´ comments to the first part of the research-projects
12:30, Lunch
13:30, Presentations of the research-projects, second part (5 minutes per person)
14:30, Advisors´ comments to the second part of the research-projects
15:30, Krakow research group travels to the railway station; Ostrava research-group will check-in at Hotel Safari and will start the research
17:05, Ostrava hl.n., EC 102 Polonia – 18:50 (Katowice) – 18:55, TLK 83110 – Krakow Gl. – 20:48
Krakow-research group will check in at Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego.
Sunday 18.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Monday 19.4.2010
Research in Ostrava and Krakow agglomerations:
Vyšní Lhoty, Ostrava-Poruba, Ostrava-Mariánské Hory, Opava, Havířov, Český Těšín etc.
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Tuesday 20.4.2010
Research in Krakow agglomeration:
Kazimierz, Nowa Huta etc.
Ostrava research-group will take the train to get to Krakow:
11:05, EC 104 Sobieski – 12:50 (Katowice) – 12:55, TLK 7310 – Krakow Gl. – 14:48
Villa Decius, ul. 28 Lipca 1943 roku 17 A, 30-233 Krakow, http://www.villa.org.pl/mapa.htm
Check-in of the Ostrava research-group (Dom Erazma and Dom Laskiego)
16:30 – Presentation of the research results, first part
19:00 – Advisors´ comments
20:00 – Dinner
22:00 – City Walk
Wednesday 21.4.2010
8:30 – Presentation of the research results, second part
11:00 – Advisors´ comments
12:00 – Lunch (also take-away)
13:00 – Departures
Apr 7, 2010
Ostrava: A Czech City Reclaims Its Past
By DINAH SPRITZER, The New York Times, April 4, 2010
HUGE hunks of rusting iron and coal dust might not seem like ideal catalysts for a cultural revival. But a former mining town in the Czech Republic that once epitomized Communist-era bleakness is embracing its industrial heritage, with a little help from punk rock, an all-night party street and a “castle” made of steel.
For decades Ostrava’s most famous symbol was a 1,033-foot-high slag heap, a conical pile of coal residue. Nicknamed “black Ostrava” after its mining industry, which went belly up in the early 1990s, the city sought to cast off its grimy reputation by attracting high-tech investment, leaving behind a patchwork of empty factories, mines and warehouses. Now a movement is afoot to revitalize the derelict sites.
“After Communism everyone wanted to build new things and erase the past, like they were ashamed,” said Marta Pilarova, an artist and the singer for two Ostrava-based “crust punk” bands, Disney and Kulma. “But this industry is a part of us — why should we pretend otherwise?”
The centerpiece of Ostrava’s new industrial chic is its “castle” — the former Vitkovice steel and ironworks smack in the city center (Ruska 24/83; 420-5 95-95-25-70; vitkovice.cz), whose soaring towers and subtle Art Nouveau details evoke an industrial version of the famous Prague Castle (hence the slightly ironic nickname). Lower Vitkovice opened for tours in 2007, offering visitors the chance to wander around a stunning maze of pipes, compressors and mysterious metal machines. (The plant will eventually be part of a $52 million science museum, conference center and “educational trail,” scheduled to debut in 2013.)
During a visit last summer, the musician David Byrne was enthralled with the former factory. “The place is awesome in its terrible beauty — similar to the works in Essen I visited a couple of years ago,” he wrote on his blog. “Some of the turbine parts looked like aliens or the statues of Easter Island.”
Two former mines are also taking on new incarnations as sites for exhibitions and concerts, often with industrial themes. Hlubina, part of the Vitkovice complex, opens for tours in May and will host electro-punk dance parties and art “happenings.” And on the outskirts of town, Michal Mine (Ceskoslovenske Armády 95/413; 420-5-96-23-11-60; dulmichal.cz) offers jazz concerts and art installations, as well as “day in the life of a miner” tours of equipment and living quarters.
But it’s the night-life scene a 10-minute tram ride away from Lower Vitkovice, on Stodolni Street (stodolni.cz), where dozens of bars and restaurants have emerged from a derelict strip of 19th-century warehouses, that has become the town’s biggest tourist draw.
At Dublin Pub (Stodolni 9; no phone; stodolni.cz/klub/dublin/), you can join the eye-shadow-and-oxford-shirt set dancing on tables to Euro-pop remixes. The two-year-old Kralovstvi Pecivalu, or the Lazy Man’s Kingdom (Stodolni 4; 420-5-96-12-22-62; upecivalu.cz), has a more dungeonlike feel, enhanced by patrons with multiple piercings and a D.J. spinning speed metal.
Despite revitalization, Ostrava’s potential to go upmarket may be limited. Many residents say swank is not for them.
“This is still a worker’s city, where you spend your cash at the bar on Friday right after you get paid,” said Jason Fitzgerald, an Irish expatriate who owns several Stodolni pubs. “If it gets too fancy, Ostrava will lose its magic.”
http://travel.nytimes.com/2010/04/04/travel/04surfacing.html?emc=eta1
HUGE hunks of rusting iron and coal dust might not seem like ideal catalysts for a cultural revival. But a former mining town in the Czech Republic that once epitomized Communist-era bleakness is embracing its industrial heritage, with a little help from punk rock, an all-night party street and a “castle” made of steel.
For decades Ostrava’s most famous symbol was a 1,033-foot-high slag heap, a conical pile of coal residue. Nicknamed “black Ostrava” after its mining industry, which went belly up in the early 1990s, the city sought to cast off its grimy reputation by attracting high-tech investment, leaving behind a patchwork of empty factories, mines and warehouses. Now a movement is afoot to revitalize the derelict sites.
“After Communism everyone wanted to build new things and erase the past, like they were ashamed,” said Marta Pilarova, an artist and the singer for two Ostrava-based “crust punk” bands, Disney and Kulma. “But this industry is a part of us — why should we pretend otherwise?”
The centerpiece of Ostrava’s new industrial chic is its “castle” — the former Vitkovice steel and ironworks smack in the city center (Ruska 24/83; 420-5 95-95-25-70; vitkovice.cz), whose soaring towers and subtle Art Nouveau details evoke an industrial version of the famous Prague Castle (hence the slightly ironic nickname). Lower Vitkovice opened for tours in 2007, offering visitors the chance to wander around a stunning maze of pipes, compressors and mysterious metal machines. (The plant will eventually be part of a $52 million science museum, conference center and “educational trail,” scheduled to debut in 2013.)
During a visit last summer, the musician David Byrne was enthralled with the former factory. “The place is awesome in its terrible beauty — similar to the works in Essen I visited a couple of years ago,” he wrote on his blog. “Some of the turbine parts looked like aliens or the statues of Easter Island.”
Two former mines are also taking on new incarnations as sites for exhibitions and concerts, often with industrial themes. Hlubina, part of the Vitkovice complex, opens for tours in May and will host electro-punk dance parties and art “happenings.” And on the outskirts of town, Michal Mine (Ceskoslovenske Armády 95/413; 420-5-96-23-11-60; dulmichal.cz) offers jazz concerts and art installations, as well as “day in the life of a miner” tours of equipment and living quarters.
But it’s the night-life scene a 10-minute tram ride away from Lower Vitkovice, on Stodolni Street (stodolni.cz), where dozens of bars and restaurants have emerged from a derelict strip of 19th-century warehouses, that has become the town’s biggest tourist draw.
At Dublin Pub (Stodolni 9; no phone; stodolni.cz/klub/dublin/), you can join the eye-shadow-and-oxford-shirt set dancing on tables to Euro-pop remixes. The two-year-old Kralovstvi Pecivalu, or the Lazy Man’s Kingdom (Stodolni 4; 420-5-96-12-22-62; upecivalu.cz), has a more dungeonlike feel, enhanced by patrons with multiple piercings and a D.J. spinning speed metal.
Despite revitalization, Ostrava’s potential to go upmarket may be limited. Many residents say swank is not for them.
“This is still a worker’s city, where you spend your cash at the bar on Friday right after you get paid,” said Jason Fitzgerald, an Irish expatriate who owns several Stodolni pubs. “If it gets too fancy, Ostrava will lose its magic.”
http://travel.nytimes.com/2010/04/04/travel/04surfacing.html?emc=eta1
Apr 4, 2010
Olga Smirnova - Ostrava Research Project
The discovery of coal and regular mining activities in the second part of the 18th century boosted the economical development of once a peripheral area of the present day Ostrava and in the second half of the 19th century it became one of the most significant industrial centers of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The number of inhabitants increased drastically which led to the transformation of the administrative, social and cultural life of the town. Known after the WWII under the names of the “city of coal and iron” and also the “steel heart of the republic”, nowadays Ostrava is aspiring to acquire the status of the European Cultural Capital in 2015.
Ostrava’s Moravian-Silesian National Theatre ranks among the best in the Czech Republic. The Janáček Philharmonic Orchestra Ostrava became one of the leading Czech symphonic orchestras very shortly after its founding in 1954. High quality opera, drama, ballet performances and classical music concerts often attract a great number of visitors. It can be easily considered to be “Ostrava phenomenon” having a high-rank professional theater and orchestra in the city with the population slightly over 330 thousand inhabitants.
Ostrava’s public is very demanding. And the theater halls are often full. I found very interesting the fact that about 25 % of the cast of Ostrava’s leading cultural institutions consists of foreigners. Among them the great number of artists, musicians, dancers come from the countries of the former Soviet Union. In addition there is a large group of Italian professionals – mainly opera singers – who found an application to their talents in Ostrava. Such a large number of foreign professionals permanently based in Ostrava could not but influence the quality of the theater performance and the choice of the repertoire. And possibly as a consequence shape the cultural preferences of the Ostrava’s public.
In my research I would like to focus on the professionals from the former Soviet Union republics who are now performing in Ostrava Theater and singing in Ostrava orchestra. Many of them started coming to the Czech Republic already in the early 90ies – the time when the general spirit of suspicion towards “the Russians” was in the air. Many of them are now active in the cultural scene. How do they reflect upon their life in Ostrava? Do they identify themselves with the Czech in general and Ostrava’s in particular cultural sphere? Do they build relations with their Czech and non-Czech colleagues following the rules of the “healthy competition” (I’ve often heard the claim that “a Russian professional has to be three times better than the Czech one in order to get a job position in the Czech Republic”) and what relation does it have to the quality of Ostrava’s cultural life?
During my stay in Ostrava I will conduct a series of interviews with the Ukrainian, Russian and Belarusian ballet dancers, opera singers and chorus singers. I will attend a performance in the Moravian-Silesian National Theatre (and time permitting also Arena Chamber Theater) and talk to several regular theater goers.
Ostrava’s Moravian-Silesian National Theatre ranks among the best in the Czech Republic. The Janáček Philharmonic Orchestra Ostrava became one of the leading Czech symphonic orchestras very shortly after its founding in 1954. High quality opera, drama, ballet performances and classical music concerts often attract a great number of visitors. It can be easily considered to be “Ostrava phenomenon” having a high-rank professional theater and orchestra in the city with the population slightly over 330 thousand inhabitants.
Ostrava’s public is very demanding. And the theater halls are often full. I found very interesting the fact that about 25 % of the cast of Ostrava’s leading cultural institutions consists of foreigners. Among them the great number of artists, musicians, dancers come from the countries of the former Soviet Union. In addition there is a large group of Italian professionals – mainly opera singers – who found an application to their talents in Ostrava. Such a large number of foreign professionals permanently based in Ostrava could not but influence the quality of the theater performance and the choice of the repertoire. And possibly as a consequence shape the cultural preferences of the Ostrava’s public.
In my research I would like to focus on the professionals from the former Soviet Union republics who are now performing in Ostrava Theater and singing in Ostrava orchestra. Many of them started coming to the Czech Republic already in the early 90ies – the time when the general spirit of suspicion towards “the Russians” was in the air. Many of them are now active in the cultural scene. How do they reflect upon their life in Ostrava? Do they identify themselves with the Czech in general and Ostrava’s in particular cultural sphere? Do they build relations with their Czech and non-Czech colleagues following the rules of the “healthy competition” (I’ve often heard the claim that “a Russian professional has to be three times better than the Czech one in order to get a job position in the Czech Republic”) and what relation does it have to the quality of Ostrava’s cultural life?
During my stay in Ostrava I will conduct a series of interviews with the Ukrainian, Russian and Belarusian ballet dancers, opera singers and chorus singers. I will attend a performance in the Moravian-Silesian National Theatre (and time permitting also Arena Chamber Theater) and talk to several regular theater goers.
Apr 1, 2010
Alexander Onufrak - The consequences of the Paris Peace Conference: The case of Czieszyn/Cesky Tesin.
It is generally known, that the European continent was an unstable for ages and the international borders between former empires moved all this time. The instability in Europe was a result not only by the military impacts from outside (from the others empires or states), but quite often by the ethnic disturbance inside local society. Even though, the process of self-determination of several European nations, especially at Central and South – Eastern Europe, generally began at the middle of the 19th Century, the most significant territorial changes occurred at the beginning of the 20th Century – shortly after World War I. The collapse of the Central powers brought not only ending of battles on the fronts, liberty and peace, but also a new configuration of Europe and the new independent national states.
The collapse of Austro – Hungarian Kingdom and the following formation of the new states like Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Romania or Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes often brought a large scale of the ethnic tension on the both side of the new international borders. Although, the international borders emerged from the series of post-war summits also known as the Paris Peace Conference and by the international treaties signed by the European and also by non-European politicians, between common people the process of demarcation was quite frequently criticized and considered as unfairness. Although, the creation of the Central European region had been realized nearly 90 years ago, the local ethnic tensions are still actual and alive. In this sense, it is so important to realize, that many present ethnic tensions have their roots somewhere at the beginning of the 20th Century. At that time several historical regions had been divided between two or more neighbour states including their autochthonous inhabitants. The former state of Czechoslovakia was a typical representative of it. Its international borders with the neighbours generally depend on the international treaties from 1920s. For the new established state of Czechoslovakia, the most significant treaties were this:
1.The Treaty of Versailles, which confirmed Czechoslovak border with Germany (Part III. Section VII. Article 81 – 86).
2.The Treaty of Saint Germain which recognized international border between Czechoslovakia and the new state of Austria.
3.The Treaty of Trianon. By this treaty Hungary lost over 70 % of its former territory and almost 65 % of all inhabitants, including 3 millions of ethnic Hungarians who became the citizens of the neighbouring states. The international border between the Slovak part of Czechoslovakia and new Hungarian state was (and still is) the most complicated of all. The border of Hungary had been fixed by the Article 27. of the Treaty of Trianon.
4.The Treaty of Sevres had just marginal importance for the Czechoslovaks officials, since it concerned only few villages in Subcarpathian Rus (Carpathian Ruthenia) near the Romanian and Polish borders.
5.The Spa Conference was not a direct element of the Paris Peace Conference. It was just based on it. Its main duty was to adjust relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland and also drafted a common border line between both states in the region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia. On the base of the Spa Conference, historical region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia had been divided between to neighbour states – Czechoslovakia and Poland. The Goral villages in the regions of Northern Orava and Spisz were affected by the similar fate.
In my research I would like to focus to geopolitical and territorial changes at the region of the Central Europe and their impacts to the economic, social and cultural live to ethnic communities especially to this who lived at the border zones. In this research I will try to explain how important is to permanently remind historical development of the present Central European states and nations and also their international relations between them. On the case of divided Czieszyn/Tesin Silesia, I will try to explain some historical facts which happened almost one century ago, but their consequences people have felt during all this time. The ethnic prejudices and stereotypes to those which live on the other side of the border are still actual and alive. The stereotypes like resistance, aversion, antipathy, repulsion and disgust to other ethnic group are still to strong in the region of Central Europe. This problem is much more evident between those individuals and their relatives that lost their properties on the other side of the border where they live now. This situation is quite dangerous and it helps to encourage to a new and a new ethnic strain between different ethnic groups. This status is much more visible at the time of crisis. The region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia was a great example of it, considering that three big ethnic groups lived there all together. There were Czechs, Poles and Germans.
On this case, it is very clear to see, how the influence of the concrete ethic group was increasing and decreasing depend on, if the ethnic group was at the ruling position or not. Initially, Poland annexed the Czechoslovak part of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia that leaded to displacement and persecuting of Czechs. After few months of the polish governing supremacy, the border area of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia became once again a part of the territory of the Bohemian lands under Nazi control and this status to survive until the end of the World War II. The German ethnic group hold a complete control over public administration until 1945, when the new Czechoslovak states took a power on this area back. This period of the Czechoslovak history is an inglorious known as a wild displacement especially of Germans, but also of Poles in Bohemia and Hungarians in Slovakia. On the other hand, it is important to say, that this practise happened not only at the former Czechoslovakia, but also at the neighbouring states.
At the summary, I would like to say, that it is so important to point out of some historical facts and analyze them, because it is only one way, how is possibly preceded to any ethnic collisions at to the future. Even if, my research is exactly aiming to region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia and on the Czech – Polish relations since 1920s to now, the core itself of this issue it could by used anywhere. Since, in the Central European region there is still a high level of the probability, that one day some radical groups could use negative power of stereotypes and try to establish a new order, which could be a similar to that of the interwar period.
The collapse of Austro – Hungarian Kingdom and the following formation of the new states like Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Austria, Romania or Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes often brought a large scale of the ethnic tension on the both side of the new international borders. Although, the international borders emerged from the series of post-war summits also known as the Paris Peace Conference and by the international treaties signed by the European and also by non-European politicians, between common people the process of demarcation was quite frequently criticized and considered as unfairness. Although, the creation of the Central European region had been realized nearly 90 years ago, the local ethnic tensions are still actual and alive. In this sense, it is so important to realize, that many present ethnic tensions have their roots somewhere at the beginning of the 20th Century. At that time several historical regions had been divided between two or more neighbour states including their autochthonous inhabitants. The former state of Czechoslovakia was a typical representative of it. Its international borders with the neighbours generally depend on the international treaties from 1920s. For the new established state of Czechoslovakia, the most significant treaties were this:
1.The Treaty of Versailles, which confirmed Czechoslovak border with Germany (Part III. Section VII. Article 81 – 86).
2.The Treaty of Saint Germain which recognized international border between Czechoslovakia and the new state of Austria.
3.The Treaty of Trianon. By this treaty Hungary lost over 70 % of its former territory and almost 65 % of all inhabitants, including 3 millions of ethnic Hungarians who became the citizens of the neighbouring states. The international border between the Slovak part of Czechoslovakia and new Hungarian state was (and still is) the most complicated of all. The border of Hungary had been fixed by the Article 27. of the Treaty of Trianon.
4.The Treaty of Sevres had just marginal importance for the Czechoslovaks officials, since it concerned only few villages in Subcarpathian Rus (Carpathian Ruthenia) near the Romanian and Polish borders.
5.The Spa Conference was not a direct element of the Paris Peace Conference. It was just based on it. Its main duty was to adjust relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland and also drafted a common border line between both states in the region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia. On the base of the Spa Conference, historical region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia had been divided between to neighbour states – Czechoslovakia and Poland. The Goral villages in the regions of Northern Orava and Spisz were affected by the similar fate.
In my research I would like to focus to geopolitical and territorial changes at the region of the Central Europe and their impacts to the economic, social and cultural live to ethnic communities especially to this who lived at the border zones. In this research I will try to explain how important is to permanently remind historical development of the present Central European states and nations and also their international relations between them. On the case of divided Czieszyn/Tesin Silesia, I will try to explain some historical facts which happened almost one century ago, but their consequences people have felt during all this time. The ethnic prejudices and stereotypes to those which live on the other side of the border are still actual and alive. The stereotypes like resistance, aversion, antipathy, repulsion and disgust to other ethnic group are still to strong in the region of Central Europe. This problem is much more evident between those individuals and their relatives that lost their properties on the other side of the border where they live now. This situation is quite dangerous and it helps to encourage to a new and a new ethnic strain between different ethnic groups. This status is much more visible at the time of crisis. The region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia was a great example of it, considering that three big ethnic groups lived there all together. There were Czechs, Poles and Germans.
On this case, it is very clear to see, how the influence of the concrete ethic group was increasing and decreasing depend on, if the ethnic group was at the ruling position or not. Initially, Poland annexed the Czechoslovak part of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia that leaded to displacement and persecuting of Czechs. After few months of the polish governing supremacy, the border area of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia became once again a part of the territory of the Bohemian lands under Nazi control and this status to survive until the end of the World War II. The German ethnic group hold a complete control over public administration until 1945, when the new Czechoslovak states took a power on this area back. This period of the Czechoslovak history is an inglorious known as a wild displacement especially of Germans, but also of Poles in Bohemia and Hungarians in Slovakia. On the other hand, it is important to say, that this practise happened not only at the former Czechoslovakia, but also at the neighbouring states.
At the summary, I would like to say, that it is so important to point out of some historical facts and analyze them, because it is only one way, how is possibly preceded to any ethnic collisions at to the future. Even if, my research is exactly aiming to region of Czeszyn/Tesin Silesia and on the Czech – Polish relations since 1920s to now, the core itself of this issue it could by used anywhere. Since, in the Central European region there is still a high level of the probability, that one day some radical groups could use negative power of stereotypes and try to establish a new order, which could be a similar to that of the interwar period.
Mar 22, 2010
Lorena Arocha - Roma people and trafficking discourses – the tale of two cities
The Council of Europe Convention on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings entered into force on 1 February 2008. The added value of this new piece of international legislation lies in its human-rights, victim-centred approach and how it obliges Member States to provide assistance and support to all those who have been trafficked. The Czech Republic has not signed the Convention yet, but Poland ratified it in November 2008. It came into force in Poland in May 2009.
Roma people, one of the most mobile groups in Europe, have had a long history of discrimination and ostracism. Many have been left with no citizenship and almost always living in ghettoes and in dire economic circumstances. They are known to be particularly vulnerable to trafficking in human beings. Only recently, statutory and non-statutory agencies across the continent are placing more attention on understanding these vulnerabilities so as to develop social schemes and programmes that can deliver successful assistance to Roma people who may have been victims of trafficking. For example, the European Roma Rights Centre and the People in Need Slovakia are conducting a research project funded by the European Commission in five different Eastern and Central European countries in order to improve our knowledge of how the Roma community is affected by trafficking.
There are known cases of Roma people being trafficked into Poland and the Czech Republic, and Roma people being trafficked from the Czech Republic further afield to countries such as Spain, the United Kingdom and France. In Poland, the greatest number of non-Polish citizens identified as victims of trafficking for any form of exploitation are from the Ukraine, Moldova, Bulgaria and Romania. Of these last two countries, the great majority of them are of Roma background. Although most have looked into the trafficking of young people and women for sexual exploitation, only recently attention is being paid to trafficking for forced labour, benefit fraud and criminal activity across Europe.
During the two day investigation I would speak to NGOs working with Roma people and on trafficking in both, the Czech Republic and Poland. I will be contacting NGOs in both of these locations to examine the extent of Roma inward and outward migration, their socio-economic circumstances and issues of integration and identity, as well as how trafficking discourses may be impacting on Roma migration and integration. I would also examine whether the implementation of the Convention since May 2009 has delivered the assistance and protection it recommends in the Polish context and how this differs from the Czech Republic context, which has not signed the Convention but has greater numbers of Roma population and whose government has formulated anti-trafficking policies since 2003, the year in which the National Rapporteur for Trafficking in Human Beings was established.
Roma people, one of the most mobile groups in Europe, have had a long history of discrimination and ostracism. Many have been left with no citizenship and almost always living in ghettoes and in dire economic circumstances. They are known to be particularly vulnerable to trafficking in human beings. Only recently, statutory and non-statutory agencies across the continent are placing more attention on understanding these vulnerabilities so as to develop social schemes and programmes that can deliver successful assistance to Roma people who may have been victims of trafficking. For example, the European Roma Rights Centre and the People in Need Slovakia are conducting a research project funded by the European Commission in five different Eastern and Central European countries in order to improve our knowledge of how the Roma community is affected by trafficking.
There are known cases of Roma people being trafficked into Poland and the Czech Republic, and Roma people being trafficked from the Czech Republic further afield to countries such as Spain, the United Kingdom and France. In Poland, the greatest number of non-Polish citizens identified as victims of trafficking for any form of exploitation are from the Ukraine, Moldova, Bulgaria and Romania. Of these last two countries, the great majority of them are of Roma background. Although most have looked into the trafficking of young people and women for sexual exploitation, only recently attention is being paid to trafficking for forced labour, benefit fraud and criminal activity across Europe.
During the two day investigation I would speak to NGOs working with Roma people and on trafficking in both, the Czech Republic and Poland. I will be contacting NGOs in both of these locations to examine the extent of Roma inward and outward migration, their socio-economic circumstances and issues of integration and identity, as well as how trafficking discourses may be impacting on Roma migration and integration. I would also examine whether the implementation of the Convention since May 2009 has delivered the assistance and protection it recommends in the Polish context and how this differs from the Czech Republic context, which has not signed the Convention but has greater numbers of Roma population and whose government has formulated anti-trafficking policies since 2003, the year in which the National Rapporteur for Trafficking in Human Beings was established.
Mar 21, 2010
Darya Marchenkova - A place for a happy life: the city’s ethnic minorities in Ostrava 2015
Ostrava is a 2015 European Culture Capital hopeful. The candidacy, which in his endorsement Václav Havel calls “an effort to recognize, appreciate, and develop even the less conspicuous beauty of our country and our cities,” is the impetus behind Ostrava 2015, an urban and cultural revitalization project designed both to place Ostrava on the European culture map and improve the daily life of Ostrava residents. Central to the vision is the introduction of culture clusters, or planned environments that concentrate cultural institutions and spaces to create a “mutual synergy” between interactive parts. While architects of the Ostrava 2015 envision generating a dynamic culture cluster that places Ostrava on a European culture map, a second ambition is to improve the daily and cultural lives of city residents. How do project planners include ethnic minorities in this vision for an improved life? How will members of ethnic minorities and their communities be impacted by, or participate in, Ostrava 2015? Do communities actively participate in aspects of the planning process? Does culture, in fact, of the type represented by Ostrava 2015 have the capacity to benefit local communities of ethnic minorities, and how?
Ostrava 2015 has four components—five construction initiatives, improved networking between Ostrava cultural institutions and the larger European cultural community, increased education in arts management, and improved quality of life, including an emphasis on ecological sustainability, an important response to the externalities of the city’s industrial legacy. The first component, deemed Buildings, is “the main investment activity of the Ostrava 2015 project.” The Black Meadow Cluster is the largest of the five construction projects envisioned by Buildings. The project will transform Black Meadow, a presently unutilized former industrial site advantageously located in the city center, into a culture cluster with a music hall and pavilion and a gallery with temporary exhibitions.
The Black Meadow Cluster plans are comprehensive. Aside from music and visual arts institutions, the project will found an educational complex for pre-school, elementary, and high school students; residential housing integrated into the complete cluster environment; and the “humanization of the Ostravice River” for the public usability and enjoyment of the waterfront. Public documents state: “All of this together should create the conditions for a happy life.” As with all urban revitalization projects, one question is: for whom? How do planners take care to distribute both costs and benefits of comprehensive revitalization across social groups in the city?
What place do Ostrava’s minorities have in the vision for the 2015 city? On the one hand, Ostrava 2015 aims to attract international recognition and tourism to the city, giving the project a cosmopolitan character. Yet the vision also has a local scope: to improve the long-term cultural life of the city and the daily lives of residents. The incorporation of education, housing, and environment within the scheme demonstrate the Cultural Capital candidacy’s symbolic impetus to transform the city. Due to its industrial past and the brownfield sites that remain its symbols, aspects of Ostrava’s landscape can be seen as a tabula rasa upon which culture clusters can be erected. Yet no site is vacant in the city: as city planners build upon vacant physical space, they equally build upon the occupied social space of the city, including its diverse residents and the inequalities, conflicts, and interactions that characterize their cohabitation.
My research objective is to interview representatives of the 2015 project in Ostrava. Given its pivotal location in the Ostrava 2015 imagination, I will focus my questions on the Black Meadow Cluster project. In addition, I would like to interview local leaders not involved or peripherally involved in the planning process, hopefully including local activists or leaders within ethnic minority communities or organizations, to hear their take on the scheme. Special attention is paid to integration of members of ethnic minorities into the plans for housing and education.
Resources permitting, I will also visit Pécs, Hungary—the current European Culture Capital—on another occasion to conduct less in-depth series of interviews on the impact or participation of Culture Capital status on ethnic minorities in Pécs, one of Hungary’s most ethnically diverse cities and the home of nine local minority governments. If Ostrava wins the Culture Capital selection round in September, could the project’s implementers learn something from the Pécs experience, relative to the impact or participation of ethnic minorities?
Note: All quotes are referenced to the Ostrava 2015 website: www.ostrava2015.cz
Image derived from Official Website of Ostrava City: http://www.ostrava.cz/
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